Dalai Lama Tenzin Gyatso 41st anniversary of the Tibetan Uprising

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March 10, 2000
My sincere greetings to my fellow countrymen in Tibet as well as in exile and to our friends and supporters all over the world on the occasion of the 41st anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day of 1959.
We are at the beginning of the 21 st century. If we look at the events that took place in the 20 th century mankind made tremendous progress in improving our material wellbeing. At the same time, there was massive destruction, both in terms of human lives and physical structures as peoples and nations sought recourse to confrontation instead of dialogue to resolve bilateral and multilateral problems. The 20 th century was therefore in a way a century of war and bloodshed. I believe that we have learned valuable lessons through these experiences. It is clear that any solution resulting from violence or confrontation is not lasting. I firmly believe that it is only through peaceful means that we can develop better understanding between ourselves. We must make this new century a century of peace and dialogue.
We commemorate this March 10 th anniversary at a time when the state of affairs of our freedom struggle is complex and multifarious, yet the spirit of resistance of our people inside Tibet continues to increase. It is also encouraging to note that worldwide support for our cause is increasing. Unfortunately, on the part of Beijing there is an evident lack of political will and courage to address the issue of Tibet sensibly and pragmatically through dialogue.
Right from the beginning, ever since the time of our exile, we have believed in hoping for the best but preparing for the worst. In this same spirit, we have tried our best to reach out to the Chinese government to bring about a process of dialogue and reconciliation for many years. We have also been building bridges with our overseas Chinese brothers and sisters, including those in Taiwan, and to enhance significantly mutual understanding, respect and solidarity.
At the same time we have continued with our work of strengthening the base of our exiled community by creating awareness about the true nature of the Tibetan struggle, preserving Tibetan values, promoting nonviolence, augmenting democracy and expanding the network of our supporters throughout the world.
It is with great sadness I report that the human rights situation in Tibet today has taken a critical turn in recent years. The "strike hard" and "patriotic re-education" campaigns against Tibetan religion and patriotism have intensified with each passing year. In some spheres of life we are witnessing the return of an atmosphere of intimidation, coercion and fear, reminiscent of the days of the Cultural Revolution. In 1999 alone there have been six known cases of deaths resulting from torture and abuse. Authorities have expelled a total of 1,432 monks and nuns from their monasteries and nunneries for refusing to either oppose Tibetan freedom or to denounce me. There are 615 known and documented Tibetan political prisoners in Tibet. Since 1996, a total of 11,409 monks and nuns have been expelled from their places of worship and study. It is obvious that there has been little change with regard to China's ruthless political objective in Tibet since the early sixties when the late Panchen Lama, who personally witnessed Communist China's occupation of Tibet from the 50s to the beginning of the 60s, wrote his famous 70,000 character petition. Even today the present young reincarnate Panchen Lama is under virtual house arrest, making him the youngest political prisoner in the world. I am deeply concerned about this.
The most alarming trend in Tibet is the flood of Chinese settlers who continue to come to Tibet to take advantage of Tibet's opening to market capitalism. This along with the widespread disease of prostitution, gambling and karaoke bars, which the authorities quietly encourage, is undermining the traditional social norms and moral values of the Tibetan people. These, more than brute force, are successful in reducing the Tibetans to a minority in their own country and alienating them from their traditional beliefs and values.
This sad state of affairs in Tibet does nothing to alleviate the suffering of the Tibetan people or to bring stability and unity to the People's Republic of China. If China is seriously concerned about unity, she must make honest efforts to win over the hearts of the Tibetans and not attempt to impose her will on them. It is the responsibility of those in power, who rule and govern, to ensure that policies towards all its ethnic groups are based on equality and justice in order to prevent separation. Though lies and falsehood may deceive people temporarily and the use of force may control human beings physically, it is only through proper understanding, fairness and mutual respect that human beings can be genuinely convinced and satisfied.
The Chinese authorities see the distinct culture and religion of Tibet as the principal cause for separation. Accordingly, there is an attempt to destroy the integral core of the Tibetan civilization and identity. New measures of restrictions in the fields of culture, religion and education coupled with the unabated influx of Chinese immigrants to Tibet amount to a policy of cultural genocide.
It is true that the root cause of the Tibetan resistance and freedom struggle lies in Tibet's long history, its distinct and ancient culture, and its unique identity. The Tibetan issue is much more complex and deeper than the simple official version Beijing upholds. History is history and no one can change the past. One cannot simply retain what one wants and abandon what one does not want. It is best left to historians and legal experts to study the case objectively and make their own judgements. In matters of history political decisions are not necessary. I am therefore looking towards the future.
Because of lack of understanding, appreciation and respect for Tibet's distinct culture, history and identity China's Tibet policies have been consistently misguided. In occupied Tibet there is little room for truth. The use of force and coercion as the principal means to rule and administer Tibet compel Tibetans to lie out of fear and local officials to hide the truth and create false facts in order to suit and to please Beijing and its stewards in Tibet. As a result China's treatment of Tibet continues to evade the realities in Tibet. This approach is shortsighted and counter-productive. These policies are narrow-minded and reveal the ugly face of racial and cultural arrogance and a deep sense of political insecurity. The development concerning the flights of Agya Rinpoche, the Abbot of Kumbum Monastery, and more recently Karmapa Rinpoche are cases in point. However, the time has passed when in the name of national sovereignty and integrity a state can continue to apply such ruthless policies with impunity and escape international condemnation. Moreover, the Chinese people themselves will deeply regret the destruction of Tibet's ancient and rich cultural heritage. I sincerely believe that our rich culture and spirituality not only can benefit millions of Chinese but can also enrich China itself.
It is unfortunate that some leaders of the People's Republic of China seem to be hoping for the Tibetan issue to disappear with the passage of time. Such thinking on the part of the Chinese leaders is to repeat the miscalculations made in the past. Certainly, no Chinese leader would have thought back in 1949/50 and then in 1959 that in 2000 China would still be grappling with the issue of Tibet. The old generation of Tibetans has gone, a second and a third generation of Tibetans have emerged. Irrespective of the passage of time the freedom struggle of the Tibetan people continues with undiminished determination. It is clear that this is not a struggle for the cause of one man nor is it that of one generation of Tibetans. It is therefore obvious that generations of Tibetans to come will continue to cherish, honor and commit themselves to this freedom struggle. Sooner or later, the Chinese leadership will have to face this fact.
The Chinese leaders refuse to believe that I am not seeking separation but genuine autonomy for the Tibetans. They are quite openly accusing me of lying. They are free to come and visit our communities in exile to find out the truth for themselves.
It has been my consistent endeavor to find a peaceful and mutually acceptable solution to the Tibetan problem. My approach envisages that Tibet enjoy genuine autonomy within the framework of the People's Republic of China. Such a mutually beneficial solution would contribute to the stability and unity of China - their two topmost priorities - while at the same time the Tibetans would be ensured of the basic right to preserve their own civilization and to protect the delicate environment of the Tibetan plateau.
In the absence of any positive response from the Chinese government to my overtures over the years, I am left with no alternative but to appeal to the members of the international community. It is clear now that only increased and concerted international efforts will persuade Beijing to change its policy on Tibet. In spite of immediate negative reactions from the Chinese side, I strongly believe that such expressions of international concern and support are essential for creating an environment conducive for the peaceful resolution of the Tibetan problem. On my part, I remain committed to the process of dialogue. It is my firm belief that dialogue and a willingness to look with honesty and clarity at the reality of Tibet can lead us to a viable solution.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank the numerous individuals, governments, members of parliaments, non-governmental organizations and various religious orders for their support. The sympathy and support shown to our cause by a growing number of well-informed Chinese brothers and sisters is of special significance and a great encouragement to us Tibetans. I also wish to convey my greetings and express my deep sense of appreciation to our supporters all over the world who are commemorating this anniversary today. Above all I would like to express on behalf of the Tibetans our gratitude to the people and the Government of India for their unsurpassed generosity and support during these past forty years of our exile.
With my homage to the brave men and women of Tibet who have died for the cause of our freedom, I pray for an early end to the sufferings of our people.
The Dalai Lama

Tenzin Gyatso 14th Dalai Lama 40th Anniversary of the Uprising of the Tibetan People

http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Statement_of_the_Dalai_Lama_on_the_40th_Anniversary_of_the_Tibetan_National_Uprising_Day

March 10, 1999
My sincere greetings to my compatriots in Tibet as well as in exile and to all our friends and supporters all over the world on the occasion of the 40 th anniversary of the Tibetan national uprising of 1959.
Four decades have passed since we came into exile and continued our struggle for freedom both in and outside Tibet. Four decades are a considerable time in a person's life. Many fellow countrymen, both those who stayed back in Tibet in 1959 and those who came out at that time, are now gone. Today, the second and third generations of Tibetans are shouldering the responsibility of our freedom struggle with undiminished determination and indomitable spirit.
During our four decades of life in exile, the Tibetan community has gone through a process of increasing democratisation and has made tremendous progress in education. We have also been able to preserve and promote our unique cultural and religious heritage. Our achievement on all these fronts is now widely recognized and acknowledged by the international community. The credit for this achievement goes to the determination and hard work of the Tibetan people. However, our success would not have been possible without the generous assistance of many international aid organizations and individuals. We are especially grateful to the people and government of India for their unsurpassed generosity and hospitality ever since the late Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru gave asylum to the Tibetan refugees and laid down the programmes for education and rehabilitation of our exile community.
During the same four decades, Tibet has been under the complete control of the government of the People's Republic of China and the Chinese authorities have had a free hand in governing our country. The late Panchen Lama's 70,000-character petition of 1962 serves as a telling historical document on the draconian Chinese policies and actions in Tibet. The immense destruction and human suffering during the Cultural Revolution, which followed shortly afterwards, are today known world-wide and I do not wish to dwell on these sad and painful events. In January 1989, a few days before his sudden death, the Panchen Lama further stated that the progress made in Tibet under China could not match the amount of destruction and suffering inflicted on the Tibetan people.
Although some development and economic progress have been made in Tibet, our country continues to face many fundamental problems. In terms of history, culture, religion, way of life and geographical conditions, there are stark differences between Tibet and China. These differences result in grave clashes of values, dissent and distrust. At the sight of the slightest dissent the Chinese authorities react with force and repression resulting in widespread and serious violations of human rights in Tibet. These abuses of rights have a distinct character, and are aimed at preventing Tibetans as a people from asserting their own identity and culture, and their wish to preserve them. Thus, human rights violations in Tibet are often the result of policies of racial and cultural discrimination and are only the symptoms and consequences of a deeper problem. The Chinese authorities identify the distinct culture and religion of Tibet as the root cause of Tibetan resentment and dissent. Hence their policies are aimed at decimating this integral core of the Tibetan civilization and identity.
After a half a century of ?liberation? the Tibetan issue is still very much alive and remains yet to be resolved. Obviously this situation is of no benefit to anyone, either to Tibet or to China. To continue along this path does nothing to alleviate the suffering of the Tibetan people, nor does it bring stability and unity to China or help in enhancing China's international image and standing. The only sensible and responsible way to address this problem is dialogue. There is no realistic alternative to it.
It is with this realization that in the early seventies I discussed and decided with my senior officials the main points of my ?Middle Way Approach?. Consequently, I opted for a resolution of the Tibet issue, which does not call for the independence of Tibet or its separation from China. I firmly believe that it is possible to find a political solution that ensures the basic rights and freedoms of the Tibetan people within the framework of the People's Republic of the China. My primary concern is the survival and preservation of Tibet's unique spiritual heritage, which is based on compassion and non-violence. And, I believe it is worthwhile and beneficial to preserve this heritage since it continues to remain relevant in our present-day world.
With this spirit I responded immediately when Deng Xiaoping, in late 1978, signalled a willingness to resume dialogue with us. Since then our relation with the Chinese government has taken many twists and turns. Unfortunately, a lack of political will and courage on the part of the Chinese leadership has resulted in their failure to reciprocate my numerous overtures over the years. Thus, our formal contact with the Chinese government came to an end in August 1993. But a few informal channels through private persons and Semi-officials were established after that. During the past one and a half year one informal channel seemed to work smoothly and reliably. In addition, there were some indications that President Jiang personally had taken an interest in the Tibetan issue. When U.S. President Clinton visited China last June, President Jiang discussed Tibet with him at some length. Addressing a joint press conference, President Jiang sought a public clarification from me on two conditions before resuming dialogues and negotiations. We, on our part, communicated to the Chinese government my readiness to respond to President Jiang's statement and our desire for an informal consultation before making it public. Sadly, there was no positive response from the Chinese side.
Late last autumn, without any obvious reason, there was a noticeable hardening of the Chinese position on dialogue and their attitude towards me. This abrupt change was accompanied by a new round of intensified repression in Tibet. This is the current status of our relation with the Chinese government.
It is clear from our experiences of the past decades that formal statements, official rhetoric and political expediency alone will do little to either lessen the suffering of the concerned people or solve the problem at hand. It is also clear that force can control human beings only physically. It is through reason, fairness and justice alone that the human mind and heart can be won over. What is required is the political will, courage and vision to tackle the root cause of the problem and resolve it once and for all to the satisfaction and benefit of the concerned people. Once we find a mutually acceptable solution to the Tibetan issue, I will not hold any official position, as I have clearly stated for many years.
The root cause of the Tibetan problem is not the difference in ideology, social system or issues resulting from clashes between tradition and modernity. Neither is it just the issue of human rights violations alone. The root of the Tibetan issue lies in Tibet's long, separate history, its distinct and ancient culture, and its unique identity.
Just as in late 1978, so also today, resumption of contact and dialogue is the only sensible and viable way to tackle this complex and grave problem. The atmosphere of deep distrust between Tibetans and Chinese must be over come. This distrust will not go away in a day. It will dissipate only through face-to-face meetings and sincere dialogues.
I feel that the Chinese leadership is sometimes hindered by its own suspicions so that it is unable to appreciate sincere initiatives from my side, either on the overall solution to the Tibetan problem or on any other matter. A case in point is my consistent and long-standing call for the need to respect the environment situation in Tibet. I have long warned of the consequences of wanton exploitation of the fragile environment on the Tibet Plateau. I did not do this of selfish concern for Tibet. Rather, it has been acutely clear that any ecological imbalance in Tibet would affect not just Tibet, but all the adjacent areas in China and even its neighbouring countries. It is sad and unfortunate that it took last year's devastating floods for the Chinese leadership to realize the need for environment protection. I welcome the moratorium that has been placed on the denudation of forests in Tibetan areas and hope that such measures, belated though they may be, will be followed by more steps to keep Tibet's fragile ecosystem intact.
On my part, I remain committed to the process of dialogue as the means to resolve the Tibetan problem. I do not seek independence for Tibet. I hope that negotiations can begin and that they will provide for genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people and the preservation and promotion of their cultural, religious and linguistic integrity, as well as their socio-economic development. I sincerely believe that my ?Middle Way Approach? will contribute to stability and unity of the People's Republic of China and secure the right for the Tibetan people to live in freedom, peace and dignity. A just and fair solution to the issue of Tibet will enable me to give full assurance that I will use my moral authority to persuade the Tibetans not to seek separation.
As a free spokesman for the people of Tibet, I have made every possible effort to engage the Chinese government in negotiations on the future of the Tibetan people. In this endeavour, I am greatly encouraged and inspired by the support we receive from many governments, parliaments, non-governmental organizations and the public throughout the world. I am deeply grateful for their concern and support. I would like to make a special mention of the efforts being made by President Clinton and his Administration to encourage the Chinese government to engage in dialogues with us. In addition, we are fortunate to continue to enjoy strong bipartisan support in the United State Congress.
The plight of the Tibetan people and our non-violent freedom struggle has touched the hearts and conscience of all people who cherish truth and justice. The international awareness of the issue of Tibet has reached an unprecedented height since last year. Concerns and active support for Tibet are not confined to human rights organizations, governments and parliaments. Universities, schools, religious and social groups, artistic and business communities as well as people from many other walks of life have also come to understand the problem of Tibet and are now expressing their solidarity with our cause. Reflecting this rising popular sentiment, many governments and parliaments have made the problem of Tibet an important issue on the agenda of their relations with the government of China.
We have also been able to deepen and broaden our relations with our Chinese brothers and sisters, belonging to the democracy and human rights movement. Similarly, we have been able to establish cordial and friendly relations with fellow Chinese Buddhists and ordinary Chinese people living abroad and in Taiwan. The support and solidarity that we receive from our Chinese brothers and sisters are a source of great inspiration and hope. I am particularly encouraged and moved by those brave Chinese within China who have urged their government or publicly called for a change in China's policy towards the Tibetan people.
Today, the Tibetan freedom movement is in a much stronger and better position than ever before and I firmly believe that despite the present intransigence of the Chinese government, the prospects for progress in bringing about a meaningful dialogue and negotiations are better today than ever. I, therefore, appeal to governments, parliaments and our friends to continue their support and efforts with renewed dedication and vigour. I strongly believe that such expressions of international concern and support are essential. They are vital in communicating a sense of urgency to the leadership in Beijing and in persuading them to address the issue of Tibet in a serious and constructive manner.
With my homage to the brave men and women of Tibet, who have died for the cause of our freedom, I pray for an early end to the suffering of our people.
The Dalai Lama

The 14th Dalai Lama Tenzin Gyatso and the 39th Anniversary of the Tibetan Uprising

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Statement of the Dalai Lama on the 39th Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day
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Statement of the Dalai Lama on the 39th Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Dayby Dalai Lama
March 10, 1998
Great changes are taking place all over the world at the dawn of a new millennium. While there are instances of new conflicts breaking out, it is encouraging that we are also able to witness the emergence of a spirit of dialogue and reconciliation in many troubled parts of the world. In some ways, this twentieth century could be called a century of war and bloodshed. It is my belief that humanity in general has drawn lessons from the experiences gained during this century. As a result, I believe the human community has become more mature. There is, therefore, hope that with determination and dedication we can make the next century a century of dialogue and non-violent conflict resolution.
Today, as we commemorate the thirty-ninth anniversary of our freedom struggle, I wish to express my sincere appreciation and great respect for the resilience and patience shown by the Tibetan people in the face of tremendous odds. The current situation in Tibet and the lack of any substantive progress in resolving the Tibetan problem is no doubt causing an increasing sense of frustration among many Tibetans. I am concerned that some might feel compelled to look for avenues other than peaceful resolutions. While I understand their predicament, I wish to firmly reiterate once again the importance of abiding by the non-violent course of our freedom struggle. The path of non-violence must remain a matter of principle in our long and difficult quest for freedom. It is my firm belief that this approach is the most beneficial and practical course in the long run. Our peaceful struggle until now has gained us the sympathy and admiration of the international community. Through our non-violent freedom struggle we are also setting an example and thus contributing to the promotion of a global political culture of non-violence and dialogue.
The sweeping changes across the globe have also embraced China. The reforms, initiated by Deng Xiaoping, have altered not only the Chinese economy, but also the political system, making it less ideological, less reliant on mass mobilization, less coercive, and less stifling for the average citizen. The government is also notably far less centralized. Moreover, the post-Deng Xiaoping leadership in China seems to have become more flexible in its international policy. One indication of this is China's greater participation in international forums and cooperation with international organizations and agencies. A remarkable development and achievement has been the smooth transfer of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty last year and Beijing's subsequent pragmatic and flexible handling of issues concerning Hong Kong. Also recent statements from Beijing on restarting cross-strait negotiations with Taiwan reflect apparent flexibility and softening of its stance. In short, there is no doubt that China today is a better place to live in compared to 15 to 20 years ago. These are historic changes that are commendable. However, China continues to face grave human rights problems and other formidable challenges. It is my hope that the new leadership in China, with this renewed confidence, will have the foresight and courage to provide greater freedom to the Chinese people. History teaches us that material progress and comfort alone are not the full answer to the needs and yearning of any human society.
In stark contrast to these positive aspects of the development in China proper, the situation in Tibet has sadly worsened in recent years. Of late, it has become apparent that Beijing is carrying out what amounts to a deliberate policy of cultural genocide in Tibet. The infamous ?strike hard? campaign against Tibetan religion and nationalism has intensified with each passing year. This campaign of repression ? initially confined to the monasteries and nunneries ? has now been extended to cover all parts of the Tibetan society. In some spheres of life in Tibet, we are witnessing the return of an atmosphere of intimidation, coercion and fear, reminiscent of the days of the Cultural Revolution.
In Tibet human rights violations continue to be widespread. These abuses of rights have a distinct character, and are aimed at preventing Tibetans as a people from asserting their own identity and culture and their wish to preserve it. This Buddhist culture inspires the Tibetan people with values and concepts of love and compassion that are of practical benefit and relevance in daily life and hence the wish to preserve it. Thus, human rights violations in Tibet are often the result of racial and cultural discrimination and are only the symptoms and consequences of a deeper problem. Therefore, despite some economic progress in Tibet, the human rights situation has not improved. It is only by addressing the fundamental issue of Tibet that the human rights problems can be overcome.
It is an obvious fact that the sad state of affairs in Tibet is no benefit of all to either Tibet or to China. To continue along the present path does nothing to alleviate the suffering of the Tibetan people, not does it bring stability and unity to China, which are of overriding importance to the leadership in Beijing. Also, one of the main concerns of the Chinese leadership has been to improve its international image and standing. However, its inability to resolve the Tibetan problem peacefully has been tarnishing the international image and reputation of China. I believe a solution to the Tibetan issue would have far-reaching positive implications for China's image in the world, including in its dealings with Hong Kong and Taiwan.
With regard to a mutually acceptable solution to the issue of Tibet, my position is very straightforward. I am not seeking independence. As I have said many times before, what I am seeking is for the Tibetan people to be given the opportunity to have genuine self-rule in order to preserve their civilization and for the unique Tibetan culture, religion, language and way of life to grow and thrive. My main concern is to ensure the survival of the Tibetan people with their own unique Buddhist cultural heritage. For this, it is essential, as the past decades have shown clearly, that the Tibetans be able to handle all their domestic affairs and to freely determine their social, economic and cultural development. I do not believe that the Chinese leadership would have any fundamental objections to this. Successive Chinese leaderships have always assured that the Chinese presence in Tibet is to work for the welfare of the Tibetans and to ?help develop' Tibet. Therefore, given a political will, there is no reason why the Chinese leadership cannot start addressing the issue of Tibet by entering into a dialogue with us. This is the only proper way to ensure stability and unity, which the Chinese leadership asserts is their primary concern.
I take this opportunity to once again urge the Chinese leadership to give serious and substantive considerations to my suggestions. It is my firm belief that dialogue and a willingness to look with honesty and clarity at the reality of Tibet can lead us to a viable solution. It is time for all of us to ?seek truth from facts' and to learn lessons derived from a calm and objective study of the past and to act with courage, vision and wisdom.
The negotiations must aim to establish a relationship between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples based on friendship and mutual benefit; to ensure stability and unity; and to empower the Tibetan people to exercise genuine self-rule with freedom and democracy, thus allowing them to preserve and cultivate their unique culture as well as to protect the delicate environment of the Tibetan plateau. These are the principal issues. However, the Chinese government is making consistent efforts to confuse the real issues at stake. They allege that our efforts are aimed at the restoration of Tibet's old social system and the status and privileges of the Dalai Lama. As far as the institution of the Dalai Lama is concerned, I stated publicly as early as 1969 that it is for the people of Tibet to decide whether this institution is to continue or not. In my own case, I made it clear in a formal public statement in 1992 that when we return to Tibet I will hold no positions in any future Tibetan government. Moreover, no Tibetan, whether in exile or within Tibet, has a desire of restoring Tibet's old social order. It is, therefore, disappointing that the Chinese government continues to indulge in such baseless and distorted propaganda. This is not helpful in creating a conducive atmosphere for dialogue, and I hope that Beijing will refrain from making such allegations.
I also would like to express my appreciation and gratitude to the many governments, parliaments, non-governmental organizations, Tibet support groups and individuals, who continue to be deeply concerned with the repression in Tibet and urge to resolve the question of Tibet through peaceful negotiations. The United States has set a precedent of appointing a Special Coordinator for Tibetan Affairs in order to facilitate dialogue between us Tibetans and the Chinese government. The European and Australian parliaments have recommended similar initiatives. Last December, the International Commission of Jurists issues its third report on Tibet, entitled, Tibet: Human Rights and the Rule of Law . These are timely initiatives and most encouraging developments. Moreover, the growing empathy, support and solidarity from our Chinese brothers and sisters in China as well as those overseas for the fundamental rights of the Tibetan people and for my ?Middle-Way Approach? are of particular inspiration and a source of great encouragement for us Tibetans.
Furthermore, on the fiftieth anniversary of India's independence I wish to express on behalf of the Tibetan people our hearty congratulations and reiterate our immense appreciation and gratitude to the people and government of India, which has become a second home to the majority of the Tibetans in exile. India represents not only a safe haven for us Tibetan refugees, but is also for us a country whose ancient philosophy of ahimsa and deep-rooted democratic tradition have inspired and shaped our values and aspirations. Moreover, I believe India can and should play a conducive and influential role in resolving the Tibetan problem peacefully. My ?Middle-Way Approach? is in line with the basic Indian policy vis-à-vis Tibet and China. There is no reason why India should not be actively engaged in encouraging and promoting dialogue between Tibetans and the Chinese government. It is clear that without peace and stability on the Tibetan plateau, it is unrealistic to believe that genuine trust and confidence can be restored in the Sino-Indian relationship.
Last year we conducted an opinion poll of the Tibetans in exile and collected suggestions from Tibet wherever possible on the proposed referendum, by which the Tibetan people were to determine the future course of our freedom struggle to their full satisfaction. Based on the outcome of the poll and suggestions from Tibet, the Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies, our parliament in exile, passed a resolution empowering me to continue to use my discretion on the matter without seeking recourse to a referendum. I wish to thank the people of Tibet for the tremendous trust, confidence and hope they place in me. I continue to believe that my ?Middle-Way Approach? is the most realistic and pragmatic course to resolve the issue of Tibet peacefully. This approach meets the vital needs of the Tibetan people while ensuring the unity and stability of the People's Republic of China. I will, therefore, continue to pursue this course of approach with full commitment and make earnest efforts to reach out to the Chinese leadership.
With my homage to the brave men and women of Tibet, who have died for the cause of Tibetan freedom, I pray for an early end to the suffering of our people and for peace and welfare of all sentient beings.
The Dalai Lama