Friday, May 4, 2012

Colosseum_A_Gladiator_s_Story

http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ancient/romans/
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colosseum:_Rome's_Arena_of_Death
http://movies.netflix.com/WiMovie/Colosseum_A_Gladiator_s_Story/60034722?trkid=496624

Russell Crowe fails to make an appearance in this searing documentary, but it's arresting moviemaking nonetheless as viewers journey through Roman history to a time when gladiators battled each other at the emperor's whim. The story centers around Verus, a gladiator who rose to stardom but still lived his life enslaved, and for whom freedom was the ultimate triumph.
Colosseum: A Gladiator's Story
Colosseum: Rome's Arena of Death From Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaJump to: navigation, search Colosseum: Rome's Arena of Death




BBC DVD Cover

Genre Documentary

Written by Tilman Remme

Directed by Tilman Remme

Starring Robert Shannon · Derek Lea

Voices of Ross Kemp · John Benjamin Hickey

Narrated by Michael Pennington · Liev Schreiber

Composer(s) Ilan Eshkeri

Country of origin United Kingdom

Language(s) English

Production

Executive producer(s) Jonathan Stamp · Laurence Rees

Producer(s) Tilman Remme

Editor(s) Malcolm Daniel

Cinematography Peter Greenhalgh

Running time 50.44 minutes

Distributor BBC Worldwide

Broadcast

Original channel BBC One

Original airing October 13, 2003

Chronology

Related shows Pyramid · Pompeii: The Last Day



Colosseum: Rome's Arena of Death aka Colosseum: A Gladiator's Story is a 2003 BBC Television docudrama which tells the true story of Verus a gladiator who fought at the Colosseum in Rome.

Rome and its Empire




Rome's Pivotal Emperors**

Six emperors who profoundly and fundamentally shaped the empire's structure and direction. By Pat Southern.

.•Rome's Greatest Enemies Gallery by Dr Peter Heather

•The Fall of the Roman Republic by Mary Beard

•Empires of Absent Mind: Rome and the USA by Dr Mike Ibeji

•Roman Empire: The Paradox of Power by Professor Andrew Wallace-Hadrill

•Third Century Crisis of the Roman Empire by Pat Southern

•The Fall of Rome by Dr Peter Heather

•Roman Army Gallery by Dr Jon Coulston

•Romanisation: The Process of Becoming Roman by Dr Neil Faulkner

•The Official Truth: Propaganda in the Roman Empire by Dr Neil Faulkner

•The Art of War Gallery by Professor Daniel Moran


Augustus**


•Born 63 BC

•Reigned 31 BC – 14 AD

•Pivotal moment: In accepting his inheritance from Julius Caesar, Augustus turned the republic into the empire.

There was very little in the family origins of Augustus to indicate his future rise to prominence. He was the son of a senator, Gaius Octavius, whose name he shared, and Atia, the niece of Julius Caesar. In a codicil to his will Caesar adopted the young Gaius Octavius and made him his heir. History knows the young man as Octavian, but he never used this name, preferring to portray himself as the new Caesar.



The civil wars that followed Caesar’s assassination were part of Octavian’s inheritance. By 30 BC he had eliminated his last rivals, Mark Antony and Cleopatra, and set about consolidating his power, greatly assisted by the fact that he controlled all the armies and had direct access to the wealth of Egypt, which remained his own personal possession. His other assets were his shrewdness and patience.



Many reforms were necessary, but he rarely imposed his will, and worked by legal means. In order to oversee his initial reforms, he entered on his fourth consulship in 30 BC and held it every year until 23 BC. But the most important source of his power was that of the tribunes, which gave him the right of veto over any proposals.



In 27 BC, he restored control of the republic to the Senate, ostensibly reverting to the old order, with annually elected magistrates, the senators sharing responsibility for government, and no single individual with supreme power. But it was a republic in name only. The reality was that Octavian emerged with the honorary title 'Augustus' and the control, via his legates, of all the provinces with armies. Augustus converted the republican citizen levy into a standing army, established regular pay and terms of service for soldiers, and a pension scheme for veterans.



Gradually by his authority and influence he became the principal fount of law, he controlled state finance, foreign policy and religion, and he shaped Roman society as the republic was transformed into the empire. In brief, he became the first emperor.
_____________________________________________________________
Vespasian**


•Born 9 AD

•Reigned 69 - 79 AD

•Pivotal moment: The first emperor not related to the family of Augustus, Vespasian achieved imperial power by the support of the armies and via a special law enacted to confer authority on him.

Titus Flavius Vespasianus owed his early appointments to the emperor Claudius’s imperial freedman Narcissus. But even then his career was undistinguished until he incurred imperial displeasure by nodding off while Nero recited poems and was sent to quell the rebellion in Judaea.



By 68 AD he had almost succeeded, but more pressing matters had erupted in the west. Even sane, moderate Romans had turned against Nero, who committed suicide in that year. The armies now declared three different men as emperor in quick succession, Galba, Otho and Vitellius, who fought each other until only Vitellius was left. Meanwhile Vespasian had engineered his own proclamation as emperor, and arrived in Rome in 70 AD.



Tradition was broken with Vespasian’s accession. Since he was not related to any of Augustus’s Julio-Claudian family, he could not inherit the imperial powers of his predecessors. A law was passed conferring authority on him (lex de imperio Vespasiani), providing important documentary evidence for historians.



His 10-year reign was not pivotal in the sense of momentous turning points in history, but it was remarkable for long lasting peace, stabilisation of the imperial finances and attention to the provinces. Vespasian is one of the less remote emperors. He was down to earth with a sense of humour. 'Dear me,' he said when he was dying, 'I seem to be turning into a god.'

_________________________________________________________
Hadrian**
Hadrian


•Born 76 AD

•Reigned 117 - 138 AD

•Pivotal moment: Hadrian put an end to expansion and enclosed the empire within clearly marked frontiers.

Publius Aelius Hadrianus was related to the emperor Trajan on his father’s side, and was adopted by him. However, this was not announced until the day after Trajan’s death.



Though Hadrian had been groomed for succession - he was associated with Trajan in several campaigns and appointed to a succession of military and civil posts - his accession was not universally approved. Within a short time, four senators were executed - accused of plotting treason.



Trajan’s reign had been one of warfare and territorial expansion, when the empire reached its greatest extent. By contrast, Hadrian’s reign was one of peace and consolidation, except for a serious revolt in Judaea in 132 AD.



A cultured scholar, fond of all things Greek, Hadrian travelled all over the empire. He was attentive to the army and the provincials, and left behind him spectacular buildings such as the Pantheon in Rome and his villa at Tivoli. But his greatest legacy to the empire was his establishment of its frontiers, marking a halt to imperial expansion.



In Africa he built walls to control the transhumance routes, and in Germany he built a palisade with watch towers and small forts to delineate Roman-controlled territory. In Britain, he built the stone wall which bears his name, perhaps the most enduring of his frontier lines.



He was truly a pivotal emperor, in that he divided what was Roman from what was not. Apart from minor adjustments, no succeeding emperor reversed his policies.

__________________________________________________________________________________
Marcus Aurelius**


•Born 121 AD

•Reigned 161 - 180 AD

•Pivotal moment: Marcus Aurelius increased social mobility by promoting army officer and civil administrators on merit and ability, rather than on birth and class.

Hadrian determined upon Marcus Aurelius for the succession while he was still a child. Marcus was the nephew of Faustina and her husband Antoninus Pius, who succeeded Hadrian. On the death of Hadrian, Marcus married their daughter.



A few years after his accession in 161 AD Marcus was plunged into warfare on the northern frontiers, where it was essential that the emperor himself led the campaigns. Here he wrote his philosophical meditations. Before he could bring these wars to a satisfactory conclusion, he was forced to go to the east where his general Avidius Cassius had raised rebellion. He was back on the Danube by 178 AD and remained there till his death in 180 AD.



One of the notable features of his reign is his promotion of army officers and civilian administrators on merit, rather than on noble birth. The increasing employment of the middle classes had begun under Hadrian. Marcus refined the process, appointing capable people to posts most suited to their abilities. Usually he elevated them in rank also, so that senatorial feathers were not ruffled. By this means he laid the foundations of social mobility and broadened the recruitment base for the armies, allowing for greater future flexibility.
_______________________________________________________________________________
Septimus Severus**


•Born 145 AD

•Reigned 193 - 211 AD

•Pivotal moment: Severus fostered the armies of the empire, but distanced himself from the dangers of assassination by making the imperial family sacrosanct, paving the way for the emperors of the later third century.

After the assassination of Commodus in 192 AD, the governor of Upper Pannonia, Lucius Septimius Severus waited for the right opportunity to make his bid for power.



Early in the following year he marched on Rome, on the pretext of vengeance for the short lived emperor Pertinax, who had been elevated then eliminated by the Praetorian guard. On arriving in Rome, Severus disbanded the Praetorians and recruited his own men into a new guard. Next, he set about winning over the Senate and the people, and overcoming his main rivals: Clodius Albinus (declared emperor in Britain) and Pescennius Niger, (proclaimed by the eastern troops).



The civil wars were over by 197 AD, when Severus turned his attention to the army. All emperors knew very well that the true source of their power lay in the support of the troops, because with armed support they could quell all opposition. Without it, they could be very easily removed. Severus was the first to admit openly that the army shored up his imperial power, and he rewarded the soldiers accordingly .



He gave them a pay rise - the first for many decades - and allowed them more privileges. He knew that service in the army must be made more attractive. Another innovation was to distance the imperial house from the populace by making himself and his family sacrosanct, setting a precedent that was carried to extremes by Aurelian and Diocletian at the end of the third century.



Ever the realist, on his death bed in York in 211 AD, Severus told his sons to look after the soldiers and to ignore everyone else.

_________________________________________________________________________________
Constantine**


•Born sometime between 271 and 273 AD

•Reigned 306 - 337 AD

•Pivotal moment: Constantine brought the endemic civil wars of the later third century to an end and reunified the Empire under his sole authority, promoting the Christian Church and moving the capital from Rome to Constantinople.

Flavius Valerius Constantinus, or Constantine I - also known as Constantine the Great - was the son of Constantius I and Helena. He grew up in a period of near anarchy, brought to an end by Diocletian at the close of the third century AD.



Diocletian established the short lived Tetrarchy, consisting of two senior emperors (Augusti) and two junior emperors (Caesares), who each commanded a quarter of the Roman world. The system was designed to bring cohesion to the fragmenting empire, but instead it created rivalries and further civil wars in which Constantine played a considerable part.



His father Constantius was appointed Caesar and then Augustus, and died on campaign in Britain in 306 AD. His soldiers declared his son, Constantine, emperor. For nearly two decades, Constantine waged war to retain this position. In 312 AD he invaded Italy and defeated one of his rivals, Maxentius, at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge outside Rome. Here, so the legend goes, he saw a cross in the sky, and was told: "In this sign shall you conquer."



When he became sole emperor in 324 AD, he rewrote his own history with the help of Christian authors.He actively promoted the Christian Church, though he was baptised into the faith only on his death bed. Throughout his life he also acknowledged Sol Invictus - the 'Unconquered Sun' - as a god. He may have been a true convert, or he may have used the Church as a strong unifying force - the debate continues.



In the military sphere, he realised that the emperor and his headquarters needed to be near to the Danube and also within reach of the eastern provinces - the two areas from which the most serious threats emanated. Acting upon geographical necessity, he created the new Rome at Byzantium, and renamed it Constantinople.



His reign marked the end of the city of Rome as the capital of the empire.

________________________________________________________________________
 

•War and Technology Gallery by Matthew Bennett
 
 
Belief




Roman Religion Gallery

Enter the fascinating world of Roman beliefs, from emperor worship to the exotic imported cults of the East.

.•Christianity and the Roman Empire by Dr Sophie Lunn-Rockliffe

•The Pagan Shadow of Christ? by Professor Roger Beck

•Lost and Hidden Christianity by Dr Sophie Lunn-Rockliffe
 
 
Life in Ancient Rome




Death in Rome

A blood-spattered Roman trader lies dead. You have until dawn to gather the evidence and identify the culprit.

.•Social Pecking Order in the Roman World by Dr Valerie Hope

•The Roman Way to Building a Career by Dr Mike Ibeji

•Discovering Roman Technology by Adam Hart-Davis

•Resisting Slavery in Ancient Rome by Professor Keith Bradley

•Roman Food and Recipes by Sally Grainger

•Roman Women: Following the Clues by Suzanne Dixon
 
 
 
 


Gladiators
Gladiators: Heroes of the Roman Amphitheatre


By Professor Kathleen Coleman

Last updated 2011-02-17



The ancient Romans are often seen as bringing civilisation to the western world, but they regarded the slaying of gladiators as a normal form of entertainment. Kathleen Coleman describes what went on, and examines the society that accepted such barbarity without question.





Gladiator: Dressed to Kill Game

Prepare a gladiator for battle. Your choice of weapons and armour will be the difference between victory and death.

.•The Colosseum: Building the Arena of Death
________________________________________________________________________
•Gladiators: Heroes of the Roman Amphitheatre by Professor Kathleen Coleman
Conscripts and volunteers


Today, the idea of gladiators fighting to the death, and of an amphitheatre where this could take place watched by an enthusiastic audience, epitomises the depths to which the Roman Empire was capable of sinking. Yet, to the Romans themselves, the institution of the arena was one of the defining features of their civilisation.



Gladiators ... were an expensive investment, not to be despatched lightly.

Hardly any contemporary voices questioned the morality of staging gladiatorial combat. And the gladiators' own epitaphs mention their profession without shame, apology, or resentment. So who were these gladiators, and what was their role in Roman society?



The Romans believed that the first gladiators were slaves who were made to fight to the death at the funeral of a distinguished aristocrat, Junius Brutus Pera, in 264 BC. This spectacle was arranged by the heirs of the deceased to honour his memory.



Gradually gladiatorial spectacle became separated from the funerary context, and was staged by the wealthy as a means of displaying their power and influence within the local community. Advertisements for gladiatorial displays have survived at Pompeii, painted by professional sign-writers on house-fronts, or on the walls of tombs clustered outside the city-gates. The number of gladiators to be displayed was a key attraction: the larger the figure, the more generous the sponsor was perceived to be, and the more glamorous the spectacle.



Most gladiators were slaves. They were subjected to a rigorous training, fed on a high-energy diet, and given expert medical attention. Hence they were an expensive investment, not to be despatched lightly.



For a gladiator who died in combat the trainer (lanista) might charge the sponsor of the fatal spectacle up to a hundred times the cost of a gladiator who survived. Hence it was very much more costly for sponsors to supply the bloodshed that audiences often demanded, although if they did allow a gladiator to be slain it was seen as an indication of their generosity.



Remarkably, some gladiators were not slaves but free-born volunteers. The chief incentive was probably the down-payment that a volunteer received upon taking the gladiatorial oath. This oath meant that the owner of his troupe had ultimate sanction over the gladiator's life, assimilating him to the status of a slave (ie a chattel).



Some maverick emperors with a perverted sense of humour made upper-class Romans (of both sexes) fight in the arena. But, as long as they did not receive a fee for their participation, such persons would be exempt from the stain of infamia, the legal disability that attached to the practitioners of disreputable professions such as those of gladiators, actors and prostitutes.

Rules and regulations


Mosaic of fighting gladiators © Regardless of their status, gladiators might command an extensive following, as shown by graffiti in Pompeii, where walls are marked with comments such as Celadus, suspirium puellarum ('Celadus makes the girls swoon').



Indeed, apart from the tombstones of the gladiators, the informal cartoons with accompanying headings, scratched on plastered walls and giving a tally of individual gladiators' records, are the most detailed sources that modern historians have for the careers of these ancient fighters.



The minutiae of the rules governing gladiatorial combat are lost to modern historians ...

Sometimes these graffiti even form a sequence. One instance records the spectacular start to the career of a certain Marcus Attilius (evidently, from his name, a free-born volunteer). As a mere rookie (tiro) he defeated an old hand, Hilarus, from the troupe owned by the emperor Nero, even though Hilarus had won the special distinction of a wreath no fewer than 13 times.

Attilius then capped this stunning initial engagement (for which he himself won a wreath) by going on to defeat a fellow-volunteer, Lucius Raecius Felix, who had 12 wreaths to his name. Both Hilarus and Raecius must have fought admirably against Attilius, since each of them was granted a reprieve (missio).




It was the prerogative of the sponsor, acting upon the wishes of the spectators, to decide whether to reprieve the defeated gladiator or consign him to the victor to be polished off. Mosaics from around the Roman empire depict the critical moment when the victor is standing over his floored opponent, poised to inflict the fatal blow, his hand stayed (at least temporarily) by the umpire.



The figure of the umpire is frequently depicted in the background of an engagement, sometimes accompanied by an assistant. The minutiae of the rules governing gladiatorial combat are lost to modern historians, but the presence of these arbiters suggests that the regulations were complex, and their enforcement potentially contentious.

Fighting-styles


A Murmillo helmet © The rules were probably specific to different styles of combat. Gladiators were individually armed in various combinations, each combination imposing its own fighting-style. Gladiators who were paired against an opponent in the same style were relatively uncommon.



One such type was that of the equites, literally 'horsemen', so called because they entered the arena on horseback, although for the crucial stage of the combat they dismounted to fight on foot.



The most vulnerable of all gladiators was the net-fighter

Some of the most popular pairings pitted contrasting advantages and disadvantages against one another. Combat between the murmillo ('fish-fighter', so called from the logo on his helmet) and the thraex or hoplomachus was a standard favourite.



The murmillo had a large, oblong shield that covered his body from shoulder to calf; it afforded stout protection, but was very unwieldy. The thraex, on the other hand, carried a small square shield that covered only his torso, and the hoplomachus carried an even smaller round one.



Instead of calf-length greaves, both these types wore leg-protectors that came well above the knee. So the murmillo and his opponent were comparably protected, but the size and weight of their shields would have called for different fighting techniques, contributing to the interest and suspense of the engagement.



The most vulnerable of all gladiators was the net-fighter (retiarius), who had only a shoulder-guard (galerus) on his left arm to protect him. Being relatively unencumbered, however, he could move nimbly to inflict a blow from his trident at relatively long range, cast his net over his opponent, and then close in with his short dagger for the face-off.



He customarily fought the heavily-armed secutor who, although virtually impregnable, lumbered under the weight of his armour. As the retiarius advanced, leading with his left shoulder and wielding the trident in his right hand, his shoulder-guard prevented his opponent from striking the vulnerable area of his neck and face.



Not that all gladiators were right-handed. A disconcerting advantage accrued to the left-handed; they were trained to fight right-handers, but their opponents, unaccustomed to being approached from this angle, could be thrown off-balance by a left-handed attack. Left-handedness is hence a quality advertised in graffiti and epitaphs alike.



Originally the different fighting-styles must have evolved from types of combat that the Romans met among the peoples whom they fought and conquered - thraex literally means an inhabitant of Thrace, the inhospitable land bordered on the north by the Danube and on the east by the notorious Black Sea.



Subsequently, as the fighting-styles became stereotyped and formalised, a gladiator might be trained in an 'ethnic' style quite different from his actual place of origin.



It also became politically incorrect to persist in naming styles after peoples who had by now been comfortably assimilated into the empire, and granted privileged relationships with Rome. Hence by the Augustan period the term murmillo replaced the old term samnis, designating a people south of Rome who had long since been subjugated by the Romans and absorbed into their culture.



Barrack life


The gladiatorial barracks were marked by heterogeneity. Membership was constantly fluctuating, as troupes toured the local circuit. Some members survived to reach retirement; new recruits were enlisted, many of them probably unable to understand Latin.



In the larger barracks, members of the same fighting-style had their own dedicated trainer, and they often bonded together in formal associations. Frequently it was a gladiator's fellows who furnished his tombstone, perhaps through membership of a burial society.



... gladiators must frequently have met their intimate fellows in mortal combat.

Yet gladiators must frequently have met their intimate fellows in mortal combat. Professionalism and the survival instinct would have demanded a merciless display of expertise, inculcated by the gladiator's training. Within a training-school there was a competitive hierarchy of grades (paloi) through which individuals were promoted.



The larger barracks, at least, had their own training arena, with accommodation for spectators, so that combatants became accustomed to practising before an audience of their fellows. The system meant that combat and heroic prowess were brought right into the urban centres of the Roman empire, whereas real warfare was going on unimaginably far away, on the borders of barbarism.

Criticism and popularity


A Roman mosaic showing amphitheater scenes © There were some dissenting voices: the philosopher-emperor Marcus Aurelius found gladiatorial combat 'boring', but he nevertheless sponsored legislation to keep costs at a realistic level so that individuals could still afford to mount the displays that were an obligatory requirement of certain public offices.



Both pagan philosophers and Christian fathers scorned the arena. But they objected most vociferously not to the brutality of the displays, but to the loss of self-control that the hype generated among the spectators.



Gladiatorial displays were red-letter days ...

Gladiatorial displays were red-letter days in communities throughout the empire. The whole spectrum of local society was represented, seated strictly according to status. The combatants paraded beforehand, fully armed. Exotic animals might be displayed and hunted in the early part of the programme, and prisoners might be executed, by exposure to the beasts.



As the combat between each pair of gladiators reached its climax, the band played to a frenzied crescendo. The combatants (as we know from mosaics, and from surviving skeletons) aimed at the major arteries under the arm and behind the knee, and tried to batter their opponent's skull. The thirst for thrills even resulted in a particular rarity, female gladiators.



Above all, gladiatorial combat was a display of nerve and skill. The gladiator, worthless in terms of civic status, was paradoxically capable of heroism. Under the Roman empire, his job was one of the threads that bound together the entire social and economic fabric of the Roman world.



Not even Spartacus, most famous of all gladiators, has left his own account of himself. But shreds of evidence, in words and pictures, remain - to be pieced together as testimony of an institution that characterised an entire civilisation for nearly 700 years.



Find out more


Books



Emperors and Gladiators by Thomas Wiedemann (Routledge, 1992)



Gladiators and Caesars edited by Eckart Köhne and Cornelia Ewigleben (British Museum Press, 2000)



TopAbout the author

Kathleen Coleman is Harvard College Professor, and professor of Latin, at Harvard University. She is the author of an edition, with translation and commentary, of Book 4 of the Silvae, a volume of 'occasional' poems published in AD 95 by the Neapolitan poet Statius. Professor Coleman has also written a number of articles about Roman spectacle, and was a historical consultant on Ridley Scott's film of 2000, 'Gladiator'.




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•The Colosseum: Emblem of Rome by Keith Hopkins
The Colosseum: Emblem of Rome


By Keith Hopkins

Last updated 2011-03-22



The ordered beauty of the Colosseum is in stark contrast to the murderous encounters that took place within it. Find a seat not too close to the action, for an inkling of what Romans got up to, in ancient times.

.On this page

Introduction

Construction planning

Design details

Harmony

Spectator experience

The arena

Overview

Find out more

Page optionsPrint this page

Introduction

Even today, in a world of skyscrapers, the Colosseum is hugely impressive. It stands as a glorious but troubling monument to Roman imperial power and cruelty. Inside it, behind those serried ranks of arches and columns, Romans for centuries cold-bloodedly killed literally thousands of people whom they saw as criminals, as well as professional fighters and animals.



... the amphitheatre and its associated shows are the quintessential symbols of Roman culture.

Indeed, it was the amphitheatre's reputation as a sacred spot where Christian martyrs had met their fate that saved the Colosseum from further depredations by Roman popes and aristocrats - anxious to use its once glistening stone for their palaces and churches. The cathedrals of St Peter and St John Lateran, the Palazzo Venezia and the Tiber's river defences, for example, all exploited the Colosseum as a convenient quarry.



As a result of this plunder, and also because of fires and earthquakes, two thirds of the original have been destroyed, so that the present Colosseum is only a shadow of its former self, a noble ruin.



The Colosseum was started in the aftermath of Nero's extravagance and the rebellion by the Jews in Palestine against Roman rule. Nero, after the great fire at Rome in AD 64, had built a huge pleasure palace for himself (the Golden House) right in the centre of the city. In 68, faced with military uprisings, he committed suicide, and the empire was engulfed in civil wars.



The eventual winner Vespasian (emperor 69-79) decided to shore up his shaky regime by building an amphitheatre, or pleasure palace for the people, out of the booty from the Jewish War - on the site of the lake in the gardens of Nero's palace. The Colosseum was a grand political gesture. Suitably for that great city, it was the largest amphitheatre in the Roman world, capable of holding some 50,000 spectators.

Eventually there were well over 250 amphitheatres in the Roman empire - so it is no surprise that the amphitheatre and its associated shows are the quintessential symbols of Roman culture.
Construction planning


Emperor Titus © The Colosseum was opened in AD 80 by Vespasian's son and successor, Titus. Given the scale of the enterprise it was built remarkably quickly. And given the site, in a valley where there was previously a lake, it had to be planned carefully.



For example, drains were built 8m (26ft) underneath the structure, to take away the streams that flow from the surrounding valleys and hills. Then foundations, roughly in the shape of a doughnut, made of concrete: under the outer walls and seating, they are 12-13m (39-42ft) deep, while under the inner ellipse of the arena, they are only 4m (13ft) deep, and designed in strips beneath each of the concentric walls. Even in this grand design, costs were carefully controlled.



... much of the detail was worked out before the building started.

I cite these figures to illustrate the scale of the enterprise and the forethought that went into the design. Over-engineered perhaps, but it has stood the test of time. The spoil from the huge hole dug for the foundations was used to raise the surrounding ground level by almost 7m (23ft), on top of the 4m (13ft) from the debris of Nero's fire, so that the new amphitheatre stood up higher in its valley site. The design advantage of looking up at, rather than down on, the amphitheatre is obvious.



The name of the architect is unknown, but by analogy with what we know from elsewhere in the ancient world, the design process would have involved floor plans drawn to scale, 3-dimensional scale models, perspective drawings, and for the artisans some full-size design sketches.



The basic point being emphasised here is that in this building of huge scale and complexity, much of the detail was worked out before the building started. Indeed the building was created according to a set of architectural principles, or a set of conventions developed in the construction of other amphitheatres.



Design details


Rome's Colosseum interior © The basic design units were multiples of 20 Roman feet (the Roman foot varied, but was around 29.6cm). These conventions were adjusted according to the demands of each site, but the basic pattern is repeated, and much of it is not easily visible to the naked eye.



Our unknown architect apparently began with the idea of building an arena measuring 300 x 180 Roman feet. The ideal ratio of the period was considered to be 5:3. By convention also, the width of the auditorium equalled the width of the arena, and in the Colosseum, it also surprisingly equalled the height of the external facade. These symmetries probably impressed both architect and emperor.



... the perimeter had to be split up among a grand number of equally sized entrance arches ...

So the total length of the Colosseum was originally planned, according to one convincing reconstruction, as 660 Roman feet long (300 + 360) and 540 Roman feet wide The perimeter can be roughly calculated as (L + W) x /2 or 1,885 Roman feet (or more precisely, using trigonometry).



Did the perimeter size matter? Yes, because the perimeter had to be split up among a grand number of equally sized entrance arches (both Capua and the Colosseum had 80 entrance arches, Verona and Puteoli 72 etc).



Entrance arches in grand amphitheatres were 20 Roman feet wide, with 3 Roman feet extra for the columns in between. So the Colosseum received a perimeter of 1,835 Roman feet (80x 23 =1840), and the arena was adjusted to 280 x 168 (still 5:3).



Similar numerical patterns can be seen in the Colosseum's famous façade. For example, the height of the two middle stories is twice the inter-columnar width. Or seen another way, the horizontal gap between the piers (15 Roman feet) equals the vertical height from the pier to the springing of the arch.

Harmony


Arches on the Colosseum © So we are confronted visually with a series of squares within the framing of the arches. These are not accidents, but details of design, which reflect the architect's preoccupation with principles of number, and provide the viewer (however unconscious he or she may be) with a steady and harmonious rhythm in the façade.



The ordered beauty and formal regularity of the Colosseum's exterior is created by three storeys of superimposed arches with engaged (ie semi-circular) columns. These columns are of different orders on each storey (Tuscan at the bottom, then Ionic, with Corinthian columns in the third storey). The fourth higher blind storey is punctuated by pilasters, decorated with Corinthian capitals.



The exterior was decorated at the top with glistening gilded bronze shields ...

In between the pilasters, are small rectangular windows. Above and between the windows there are stone socles (plinths), which once held the masts used to support the awnings, designed to shade about one third of the spectators (the length of the horizontal poles was limited by the length of Mediterranean pines and the weight of the awnings). If you look upwards, you can still see the holes through which these vertical masts slotted.



The exterior was decorated at the top with glistening gilded bronze shields, and the arches were filled with painted statues of emperors and gods. Two grand entrances, one at each end of the minor axis, were used by the emperor, as well as by official presenters of shows and no doubt by other grandees.



The entrances were marked by giant porticoes, each topped by a gilded horse-drawn chariot. The emperor also had a private entrance, which went under the seats, and emerged in the imperial box.

Spectator experience


Detail of a gladiator and leopard from a Roman mosaic © Spectators found their way to their seats through arches numbered I - LXXVI (1-76). The four grand entrances were not numbered. The best seats were on or just behind the podium, raised for safety's sake two metres above the arena; animals and gladiators were kept out by a further fence just inside the arena, which helped to ensure that the action was in everybody's view.



Inside the amphitheatre, but at its outer rim, there were, at the first three levels, grand circular promenades, though as you went upwards the dimensions became smaller and the decoration less grand. At the first level, the floors were of marble or Travertine (the stone from which the outside walls were made), while the walls were of polished marble slabs and the ceilings of painted stucco.



... except for the front rows on the podium, spectators were packed like sardines in a tin.

Their present grim decoration does not do them justice - and the exterior, pockmarked with holes made by medieval robbers looking for iron clamps, gives no real indication, either, of what the building looked like in antiquity.



Inside the auditorium, except for the front rows on the podium, spectators were packed like sardines in a tin. Evidence from other amphitheatres suggests an average of 40cm width per spectator and 70cm legroom, which makes an economy class airline seem generous.



The entrances and staircase were arranged with the help of marble and iron dividers - to keep different classes of clientele separate. Indeed, the very top section of the Colosseum is separated from other spectators by a 5m- (16ft-) high wall.



Modern scholars often say that the hierarchy of seating mirrored the social hierarchies of Roman society. But we should be cautious. The five sections of the auditorium, from bottom to top, would have contained only about 50,000 predominantly adult males out of an adult male population in the city of Rome of close on 300,000.



The lower class population of Rome was seriously and systematically under-represented. And the two lowest (ie most prestigious) sections of the auditorium accommodated, respectively over 2,000 and almost 12,000 spectators, numbers which do not coincide with any known social groups, such as senators (600) or knights (perhaps 5,000).



Those in the top rows had shade, while nobles sweated in the sun; but those at the very top, which would have included women and the poor, were a good 100m from the centre of the arena. The myopic presumably just sat and heard the crowd roar.

The arena


The arena itself was probably covered by a good 15cm of sand (harena), sometimes dyed red to disguise blood. And, as is evident in Ridley Scott's film Gladiator (2000), the arena was dotted with trap-doors designed to let animals leap dramatically into the fray. The arena was also sometimes decorated with elaborate stage scenery, so that the ritual murder could be varied with theatrical tales.



... when the Colosseum opened in AD 80, Titus staged a sea-fight ...

The Colosseum's partial destruction allows us to see into the bowels of the amphitheatre, in a way that no ancient could. But when the Colosseum opened in AD 80, Titus staged a sea-fight there (in about one metre of water), and recent research has shown convincingly that the amphitheatre had no basement at this time.



But the rivalrous brother of Titus, Domitian (emperor 81-96), was quick to have a basement built - with ring-formed walls and narrow passages. In this confined space, animals and their keepers, fighters, slaves and stage-hands toiled in the almost total darkness to bring pleasure to Romans.



A series of winches and the capstans would have allowed teams of slaves to pull in unison and hoist heavy animals from the basement to the main arena, and this machinery has been reconstructed, in part, from ancient drawings - aided by the bronze fittings that still survive in the basement's floor. The rope-burns of the hoists are still visible in the stone of the lift-shafts.

Overview


For all its outside trappings in once glistening local travertine stone, the Colosseum was really a triumph of brick-vaulting and cement. Structurally, the building works by a robust balance of pressures.



The construction is strikingly different from most Greek and Roman public buildings.

The huge downward vertical thrust of the external walls matches the outwards thrust of the barrel vaults in the circular promenades, which was itself also relieved by the series of radial walls, built like the spokes of wheel, from the inner ring of the arena. And the sideways thrust of the high heavy stone wall is dispersed via the superimposed rows of arches and compensated by the circularity of the building.



The construction is strikingly different from most Greek and Roman public buildings. They followed the classic model of Greek temples, with their rectangular rows of columns, topped by beams and relieved by a triangular pediment.



The invention of arches and vaults, made of brick-faced concrete, allowed Roman architects much greater spans - and more visual variety. Hence the Colosseum's elaborate honeycomb of arches, passages and stairways, which allowed thousand of spectators to get into and watch their murderous games in a custom-made amphitheatre. And the Colosseum's imposing exterior was then, as it still is, a marvellous monument to Roman imperial power.
Find out more


Books



The Colosseum by A Gabucci (Los Angeles, 2000)



Roman Builders by R Taylor (Cambridge, 2003)



The Principles of Roman Architecture by Mark Wilson Jones (New Haven, Conn., 2000)



The Story of the Roman Amphitheatre by D L Bomgardner (London, 2000)



TopAbout the author

Keith Hopkins is Emeritus Professor of Ancient History at the University of Cambridge, and Fellow of King'College. His publications include A World Full of Gods, Death and Renewal and Conquerors and Slaves.

______________________________________________________




Pompeii




Work and Play in Everyday Pompeii Gallery

The volcanic eruption that buried Pompeii in AD 79 was a terrible tragedy, but it has preserved wonderful insights into ancient Roman life. By Dr Joanne Berry.

.•Pompeii Art and Architecture Gallery by Dr Joanne Berry

•Pompeii: Its Discovery and Preservation by Dr Salvatore Ciro Nappo

•Pompeii: Portents of Disaster by Professor Andrew Wallace-Hadrill

THE EXODUS IS A DAILY OCCURENCE FOR THE JEW

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Today's Tanya Lesson


Likutei Amarim, Chapter 47

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Ch. 46 began with the Alter Rebbe explaining yet another simple and straightforward means by which every Jew can arrive at a great love of G‑d, thereby enhancing his performance of Torah and mitzvot. This is done by utilizing the love which comes into being “as water mirrors the face to the face.” For just as water reflects the image of a face peering into it, so too, is there reflected the “heart of man to man.” The Alter Rebbe went on to explain that all the particulars mentioned in the parable of the mighty king and the wretched commoner, as enumerated there, are infinitely more applicable with regard to the love showered by G‑d upon each and every Jew. He showed us His great love when He Himself descended to take us out of our nethermost level, in Egypt, and led us into His innermost chambers by giving us the Torah and mitzvot, whereby we are able to attach ourselves to Him with the ultimate level of unity. Accordingly, the Alter Rebbe then expounded the word kidshanu in the text of the benedictions as implying betrothal, the perfect union of man and wife. Kidshanu also implies Supernal Holiness, which alludes to the supreme state of exalted separation which Jews attain through the performance of mitzvot, recalling G‑d’s holiness — His total exalted separation from all worlds.



Ch. 47 will continue this theme, and answer the following question (as the Rebbe, Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson, of righteous memory, notes): How can the love reflected “as water mirrors the face to the face” be expected of us nowadays, when G‑d’s love was shown to us thousands of years ago, at the time of the Exodus? The answer given by the Alter Rebbe is: Not only is it reasonable to expect this love of a Jew when he recalls the initial Exodus (and the giving of the Torah) when G‑d himself descended (thus showing His great love for us), but also, in truth this is a present-day event as well — for the Exodus is a daily occurrence.

והנה בכל דור ודור, ובכל יום ויום, חייב אדם לראות עצמו כאילו הוא יצא היום ממצרים




“In every generation and every day a person is obliged to regard himself as if he had that day come out of Egypt.”



This text is cited from the Mishnah (Pesachim 10:5), except that the Alter Rebbe inserts the words, “and every day.” For the Exodus is not only an event which takes place in every generation: it is also a daily event in the spiritual life of the Jew.



והיא יציאת נפש האלקית ממאסר הגוף, משכא דחויא



This refers to the release of the divine soul from the confinement of the body, the “serpent’s skin,”



The body is a source of confinement for the divine soul, since it derives its life-force from kelipah. It is from this exile that the divine soul escapes,



ליכלל ביחוד אור אין סוף ברוך הוא, על ידי עסק התורה והמצות בכלל



in order to be absorbed into the unity of the light of the blessed Ein Sof, by engaging in the Torah and commandments in general,



ובפרט בקבלת מלכות שמים בקריאת שמע, שבה מקבל וממשיך עליו יחודו יתברך בפירוש, באמרו: ה׳ אלקינו ה׳ אחד



and in particular through accepting the Kingdom of Heaven during the recital of the Shema, wherein the person explicitly accepts and draws upon himself G‑d’s unity, when he says: “The Lord is our G‑d, the Lord is One.”



וכמו שנתבאר לעיל, כי אלקינו הוא כמו: אלקי אברהם וכו׳, לפי שהיה בטל ונכלל ביחוד אור אין סוף ברוך הוא



It has previously been explained — in ch. 46 — that “our G‑d” is understood in the same way as “the G‑d of Abraham,” and so forth, because he became nullified and absorbed into the unity of the light of the blessed Ein Sof,

והיא יציאת נפש האלקית ממאסר הגוף, משכא דחויא




This refers to the release of the divine soul from the confinement of the body, the “serpent’s skin,”



The body is a source of confinement for the divine soul, since it derives its life-force from kelipah. It is from this exile that the divine soul escapes,



ליכלל ביחוד אור אין סוף ברוך הוא, על ידי עסק התורה והמצות בכלל



in order to be absorbed into the unity of the light of the blessed Ein Sof, by engaging in the Torah and commandments in general,



ובפרט בקבלת מלכות שמים בקריאת שמע, שבה מקבל וממשיך עליו יחודו יתברך בפירוש, באמרו: ה׳ אלקינו ה׳ אחד



and in particular through accepting the Kingdom of Heaven during the recital of the Shema, wherein the person explicitly accepts and draws upon himself G‑d’s unity, when he says: “The Lord is our G‑d, the Lord is One.”



וכמו שנתבאר לעיל, כי אלקינו הוא כמו: אלקי אברהם וכו׳, לפי שהיה בטל ונכלל ביחוד אור אין סוף ברוך הוא



It has previously been explained — in ch. 46 — that “our G‑d” is understood in the same way as “the G‑d of Abraham,” and so forth, because he became nullified and absorbed into the unity of the light of the blessed Ein Sof,



Abraham’s self-nullification and consequent union with G‑d were so complete that G‑d is called “the G‑d of Abraham.” Through the performance of the mitzvot, the same may be said of every Jew, so that G‑d may rightfully be called “our G‑d,”



רק שאברהם זכה לזה במעשיו, והילוכו בקודש ממדרגה למדרגה



except that Abraham merited this union by reason of his works and his advancing in holiness from degree to degree, until he uplifted himself to this great level of nullity and unification of self with G‑d,



כמו שכתוב: ויסע אברם הלוך ונסוע וגו׳



as it is written:1 “And Abram journeyed, going on and on [to the South].”



Abraham progressed from level to level until he attained the esoteric level of “the South,” which alludes to the highest possible degree of love for G‑d. Abraham, then, achieved this state as a result of his own labors.



אבל אנחנו, ירושה ומתנה היא לנו, שנתן לנו את תורתו, והלביש בה רצונו וחכמתו יתברך, המיוחדים במהותו ועצמותו יתברך בתכלית היחוד



But as for us, the children of Abraham, for us it is a heritage and a gift, in that He has given us His Torah and has clothed in it His Will and wisdom, which are united with His Essence and Being in perfect unity;



והרי זה כאלו נתן לנו את עצמו, כביכול



and surely this is as if He gave us His very self, as it were. Since His wisdom and Will are one with Him, through Torah study and performance of mitzvot we are able to take Him, as it were, and be united with Him.



כמו שכתוב בזהר הקדוש על פסוק: ויקחו לי תרומה דלי, כלומר: אותי



This is as the Zohar2 comments on the verse:3 “that they bring to Me an offering.” (4The word “to Me,” says the Zohar, actually means “to take Me” — to “take” G‑d.
והוה לי למימר: ותרומה




The text should hence have read “[Me] and an offering,”



Since “Me” refers to G‑d and “an offering” refers to Torah, it would seem more appropriate for the verse to state, “You shall take Me and an offering (Torah),” since it is by means of the Torah that the Jew takes “Me”.



אלא משום דכולא חד



except that both are one and the same. G‑d and Torah are truly one. Were the verse to state “Me and an offering” we might be led to believe that the two are separate entities, when in truth they are truly one and the same.



עיין שם היטב



Study it well there, and the matter will be clearly understood.



וזה שאומרים: ותתן לנו ה׳ אלקינו באהבה כו׳



This is the meaning of what we recite,6 “And You have given to us, O L‑rd, our G‑d, with love....”



Because of His great love for us He granted us the gift that He be our G‑d, so that we may be united with Him. It is also stated:



כי באור פניך נתת לנו ה׳ אלקינו כו׳



“For by the light of Your countenance have You given us, O L‑rd, our G‑d...,” once again stressing the gift He has given us, viz., that He is our G‑d.



ולזה



Therefore —



Since this unity with Him and the gift we have received — that He is our G‑d — is not dependent on our spiritual service, it is within the province of every Jew. Were this level achieved only through one’s spiritual service, it would be correct to say that not everyone has yet reached this lofty level of unity whereby G‑d becomes his G‑d. Since, however, we are granted this level as an inheritance and a gift, it applies to all Jews equally. For a bequest and a gift have nothing to do with the status of the recipient. Should a person be a rightful heir he inherits no matter what his standing; should a benefactor decide to shower his benevolence upon an individual, that individual is a valid recipient no matter how undeserving he may be. (Not so wages, which are commensurate with one’s toil.) At any rate, since this unity is equally attainable by all Jews, therefore —



אין מונע לנו מדביקות הנפש ביחודו ואורו יתברך אלא הרצון, שאם אין האדם רוצה כלל, חס ושלום, לדבקה בו כו׳



nothing stands in the way of the soul’s unity with G‑d and His light, except one’s will; for should the person not desire at all, G‑d forbid, to cleave to Him..., then this unity will not be achieved.



אבל מיד שרוצה, ומקבל וממשיך עליו אלוקותו יתברך, ואומר: ה׳ אלקינו ה׳ אחד, הרי ממילא נכללת נפשו ביחודו יתברך, דרוח אייתי רוח ואמשיך רוח



But immediately when he does so desire, and accepts and draws upon himself His blessed G‑dliness and declares:7 “The L‑rd is our G‑d, the L‑rd is One,” then surely is his soul spontaneously absorbed into G‑d’s unity, for the individual’s yearning8 “spirit evokes spirit and awakening from Above, and draws forth and bestows spirit” — an added measure of spirituality, so that the person is drawn to G‑d and cleaves to Him.



והיא בחינת יציאת מצרים



And this dynamic within the person’s soul is a form of “Exodus from Egypt.”



The spiritual counterpart of the Exodus is the acceptance of the Kingdom of Heaven during the recitation of the Shema, and one’s desire to cleave to G‑d and be united with Him, for by these means the soul frees itself from the exile and confines of the body and becomes one with G‑d.



ולכן תקנו פרשת יציאת מצרים בשעת קריאת שמע דווקא, אף שהיא מצוה בפני עצמה, ולא ממצות קריאת שמע, כדאיתא בגמרא ופוסקים



Therefore it was ordained that the paragraph concerning the Exodus from Egypt be read specifically during the recital of the Shema, as an adjunct to it, even though it (i.e., recalling and verbalizing the Exodus) is a commandment by itself, not pertaining to the commandment to recite the Shema, as stated in the Talmud and Codes,9



Recalling the Exodus and the formal recitation of the Shema were placed together:



אלא מפני שהן דבר אחד ממש



for they are actually the same thing.



Accepting the Kingdom of Heaven during the Shema and the Exodus from Egypt are truly one and the same, since this acceptance is one’s personal, spiritual Exodus, whereby the divine soul escapes the encumbrances of the body.



וכן, בסוף פרשת יציאת מצרים מסיים גם כן: אני ה׳ אלקיכם, והיינו גם כן כמו שנתבאר לעיל



Likewise, the paragraph referring to the Exodus from Egypt also concludes,10 “I am the L‑rd your G‑d.” This also accords with what has been explained earlier — that through the Exodus one ensures that G‑d becomes his G‑d, by achieving total unification with Him.



From the above we realize that the Exodus from Egypt is a daily event in the life of the Jew. Hence, just as during the first, historical Exodus (as explained earlier) G‑d showed us his boundless love, obligating us to respond in kind, loving him “as water mirrors the face to the face,” so too should the daily, individual, spiritual Exodus affect us, since G‑d constantly shows us his boundless love.



FOOTNOTES

1. Bereishit 12:9.

2. II, 101b.

3. Shmot 25:2.

4. Parentheses are in the original text.

5. III, 179a.

6. Liturgy.

7. Devarim 6:4.

8. Zohar II, 162b.

9. Berachot 21a; Shulchan Aruch, Orach Chayim 67:1-2.

10. Bamidbar 15:41.




Thursday, May 3, 2012

MAN IS LIKENED TO THE SILENCED ANIMALS

http://www.chabad.org/dailystudy/tehillim.asp?tDate=5/1/2012 Chapter 49 This psalm is a strong message and inspiration for all, rich and poor alike, rebuking man for transgressions which, owing to habit, he no longer considers sinful; yet, these sins incriminate man on the Day of Judgement. The psalm speaks specifically to the wealthy, who rely not on God but on their wealth. 1. For the Conductor, by the sons of Korach, a psalm. 2. Hear this, all you peoples; listen, all you inhabitants of the world; 3. sons of common folk and sons of nobility, rich and poor alike. 4. My mouth speaks wisdom, and the thoughts of my heart are understanding. 5. I incline my ear to the parable; I will unravel my riddle upon the harp. 6. Why am I afraid in times of trouble? [Because] the sins I trod upon surround me. 7. There are those who rely on their wealth, who boast of their great riches. 8. Yet a man cannot redeem his brother, nor pay his ransom to God. 9. The redemption of their soul is too costly, and forever unattainable. 10. Can one live forever, never to see the grave? 11. Though he sees that wise men die, that the fool and the senseless both perish, leaving their wealth to others- 12. [nevertheless,] in their inner thoughts their houses will last forever, their dwellings for generation after generation; they have proclaimed their names throughout the lands. 13. But man will not repose in glory; he is likened to the silenced animals. 14. This is their way-their folly remains with them, and their descendants approve of their talk, Selah. 15. Like sheep, they are destined for the grave; death shall be their shepherd, and the upright will dominate them at morning; their form will rot in the grave, away from its abode. 16. But God will redeem my soul from the hands of the grave, for He will take me, Selah. 17. Do not fear when a man grows rich, when the glory of his house is increased; 18. for when he dies he will take nothing, his glory will not descend after him. 19. For he [alone] praises himself in his lifetime; but [all] will praise you if you better yourself. 20. He will come to the generation of his forefathers; they shall not see light for all eternity. 21. Man [can live] in glory but does not understand; he is likened to the silenced animals. Chapter 50 This psalm speaks of many ethics and morals. The psalmist rebukes those who fail to repent humbly and modestly. He also admonishes those who do not practice that which they study, and merely appear to be righteous; they sin and cause others to sin. 1. A psalm by Asaph. Almighty God, the Lord, spoke and called to the earth, from the rising of the sun to its setting. 2. Out of Zion, the place of perfect beauty, God appeared. 3. Our God will come and not be silent; a fire will consume before Him, His surroundings are furiously turbulent. 4. He will call to the heavens above, and to the earth, to avenge His people: 5. "Gather to Me My pious ones, those who made a covenant with me over a sacrifice.” 6. Then the heavens declared His righteousness, for God is Judge forever. 7. Listen, my people, and I will speak; O Israel, and I will testify against you-I am God your God. 8. Not for [the lack of] your sacrifices will I rebuke you, nor for [the lack of] your burnt offerings which ought to be continually before Me. 9. I do not take oxen from your house, nor goats from your pens; 10. for every beast of the forest is Mine, the cattle of a thousand mountains. 11. I know every bird of the mountains, and the crawling creatures of the field are in My possession. 12. Were I hungry, I would not tell you, for the world and everything in it is mine. 13. Do I eat the flesh of bulls, or drink the blood of goats? 14. Offer confession as a sacrifice to God, and fulfill your vows to the Most High, 15. and call to Me on the day of distress; I will free you, and you will honor Me. 16. But to the wicked, God said, "What does it help you to discuss My laws, and bear My covenant upon your lips? 17. For you hate discipline, and throw My words behind you. 18. When you see a thief you run with him, and your lot is with adulterers. 19. You sent forth your mouth for evil, and attach your tongue to deceit. 20. You sit down to talk against your brother; your mother's son you defame. 21. You have done these things and I kept silent, so you imagine that I am like you-[but] I will rebuke you and lay it clearly before your eyes. 22. Understand this now, you who forget God, lest I tear you apart and there be none to save you. 23. He who offers a sacrifice of confession honors Me; and to him who sets right his way, I will show the deliverance of God." Chapter 51 This psalm speaks of when Nathan the prophet went to David's palace, and rebuked him for his sin with Bathsheba. David then secluded himself with God, offering awe-inspiring prayers and begging forgiveness. Every person should recite this psalm for his sins and transgressions. 1. For the Conductor, a psalm by David, 2. when Nathan the prophet came to him after he had gone to Bathsheba. 3. Be gracious to me, O God, in keeping with Your kindness; in accordance with Your abounding compassion, erase my transgressions. 4. Cleanse me thoroughly of my wrongdoing, and purify me of my sin. 5. For I acknowledge my transgressions, and my sin is always before me. 6. Against You alone have I sinned, and done that which is evil in Your eyes; [forgive me] so that You will be justified in Your verdict, vindicated in Your judgment. 7. Indeed, I was begotten in iniquity, and in sin did my mother conceive me. 8. Indeed, You desire truth in the innermost parts; teach me the wisdom of concealed things. 9. Purge me with hyssop and I shall be pure; cleanse me and I shall be whiter than snow. 10. Let me hear [tidings of] joy and gladness; then the bones which You have shattered will rejoice. 11. Hide Your face from my sins, and erase all my trespasses. 12. Create in me a pure heart, O God, and renew within me an upright spirit. 13. Do not cast me out of Your presence, and do not take Your Spirit of Holiness away from me. 14. Restore to me the joy of Your deliverance, and uphold me with a spirit of magnanimity. 15. I will teach transgressors Your ways, and sinners will return to You. 16. Save me from bloodguilt, O God, God of my deliverance; my tongue will sing Your righteousness. 17. My Lord, open my lips, and my mouth shall declare Your praise. 18. For You do not desire that I bring sacrifices, nor do You wish burnt offerings. 19. The offering [desirable] to God is a contrite spirit; a contrite and broken heart, God, You do not disdain. 20. In Your goodwill, bestow goodness upon Zion; rebuild the walls of Jerusalem. 21. Then will You desire sacrifices [offered in] righteousness, olah and other burnt offerings; then they will offer bullocks upon Your altar. Chapter 52 David laments his suffering at the hands of Doeg, and speaks of Doeg's boasts about the evil he committed. David asks, "What does he think? Does he consider the doing of evil a mark of strength?" David also curses Doeg and those like him. 1. For the Conductor, a maskil by David, 2. when Doeg the Edomite came and informed Saul, saying to him, "David has come to the house of Achimelech.” 3. Why do you boast with evil, O mighty one? God's kindness is all day long. 4. Your tongue devises treachery; like a sharpened razor it works deceit. 5. You love evil more than good, falsehood more than speaking righteousness, Selah. 6. You love all devouring words, a deceitful tongue. 7. God will likewise shatter you forever; He will excise and pluck you from the tent, and uproot you from the land of the living forever. 8. The righteous will see it and be awed, and they will laugh at him: 9. "Here is the man who did not make God his stronghold, but trusted in his great wealth, and drew strength from his treachery.” 10. But I am like a fresh olive tree in the house of God; I trust in God's kindness forever and ever. 11. I will thank you forever for what You have done; I will hope in Your Name, for You are good to Your pious ones. Chapter 53 This psalm speaks of when Titus pierced the curtain of the Holy of Holies with his sword, and thought he had killed "himself" (a euphemism for God). 1. For the Conductor, on the machalat,1 a mas-kil2 by David. 2. The fool says in his heart, "There is no God!" They have acted corruptly and committed abominable deeds; not one does good. 3. God looked down from heaven upon mankind, to see if there was any man of intelligence who searches for God. 4. But they all regressed together; they have become corrupt; there is none who does good, not even one. 5. Indeed, the evildoers who devour My people as they devour bread, who do not call upon God, will come to realize. 6. There they will be seized with fright, a fright such as never was; for God scatters the bones of those encamped against you. You shamed them, for God rejected them. 7. O that out of Zion would come Israel's deliverance! When God returns the captivity of His people, Jacob will exult, Israel will rejoice.

Dog Soldier Justice: The Ordeal of Susanna Alderdice

http://www.bookslut.com/nonfiction/2005_02_004373.php Broome, Jeff Dog Soldier Justice: The Ordeal of Susanna Alderdice in the Kansas Indian War, Lincoln, Kansas: Lincoln County Historical Society, 2003 February 2005 Jack D. Crispin, Jr. nonfiction Dog Soldier Justice: The Ordeal of Susanna Alderdice on the Kansas Indian War Kansas has been getting a bad reputation lately, what with the Red State nonsense and Thomas Frank's book What's the Matter with Kansas. We will leave that argument for another day. What cannot be argued is the fact that the settlement of Kansas was anything but boring. Many consider it the birthplace of the Civil War, with Quantrill's burning of Lawrence, and John Brown's murdering slave owner sympathizers. The long cattle drives ended at the rail heads in several Kansas towns, and the cowboys revelries are notorious. Throw in with these the usual mix of lawmen and lawless, criminals and crusaders, the early days of Kansas were quite lively. But few dramas played out as fierce and horrifying as the Indian Wars. The cause of these wars are multitude and are still being debated today. Jeff Broome's Dog Soldier Justice: The Ordeal of Susanna Alderdice on the Kansas Indian War looks not for historical answers, nor does it take a political stance. Its aim is to depict the situation of the white settlers during this time. These people were not policy setters, and as such, they played no part in the creation of problem. They were people that wanted a place of their own, land to work and live on. They were a continuation of the creation of this country that started with the first white footsteps on this land. The story is primarily that of Susanna Alderdice and her family. Through extensive research in the National Archives, author Jeff Broome pieces together the story of this pioneer woman and her capture by Dog Soldiers, the warrior society of the Cheyenne Tribe. During a raid that ended in the murder of two of her sons and her daughter, the pregnant woman was abducted and taken to Colorado. Her husband tried desperately to get the Army to intercede (including a personal appeal to George Custer), but their efforts were hampered by the difficulty of finding the Indians on the empty plains of Kansas, Nebraska and eastern Colorado. When they finally raid the Indian camp, Alderdice is not among the living. The facts of the story are extremely well documented. Suppositions are identified as such. The great efforts by the author to recreate this story, and to verify the facts give the reader a real glimpse into the lives and hardships of the settlers. The book makes no pretense to consider every point of view, but it gives a concise and clear view of this piece of the puzzle. This book can be obtained from the Lincoln County Historical Society, 216 W. Lincoln Avenue, Lincoln, KS, 67455. 785-524-9997 Dog Soldier Justice: The Ordeal of Susanna Alderdice on the Kansas Indian War by Jeff Broome Kansas State Historical Society 314 Pages

Whoever talks excessively brings about sin

http://sn111w.snt111.mail.live.com/default.aspx#!/mail/InboxLight.aspx?n=678009096!n=1464131381&fid=1&fav=1&mid=7e974c08-94ac-11e1-b7ec-002264c28130&fv=1 Expressions of the Soul Chapter 1, Mishna 17 "Shimon his son [the son of Rabban Gamliel of the previous mishna] said: All my life I have been raised among the Sages, and I have not found anything better for oneself than silence. Study is not the primary thing but action. Whoever talks excessively brings about sin." The theme of this mishna is the danger of excessive speech. Excessive speech is detrimental in practically every area -- and R. Shimon touches upon a few in our mishna. Speech about mundane or inconsequential matters is often a waste of our time and energy, and carries with it the dangers of sinful speech such as gossip and slander. Even regarding Torah study, talking is hardly the goal. The Talmud writes: "Great is study for it leads to action" (Kiddushin 40b). The goal of our study should not be to develop our intellects or to let everyone else know what great scholars we are. It should be to apply our new-found knowledge to ourselves and make a difference in our lives. Lastly, the Sages consider silence to be a sign of greatness. King Solomon wrote, "The voice of a fool is in many words" (Koheles 5:2). (Some of us know the Mark Twain version: "Better to remain silent and appear dumb than to open your mouth and remove all doubt.") :-) The more someone says and the louder he says it, the less likely his words are worth listening to (which is of course why he has to say them so loud). Speech is a gift -- not to be wasted or overused. We learned recently: "say little and do much" (1:15 www.torah.org/learning/pirkei-avos/chapter1-15b.html). We are ultimately judged, both by G-d and man, not by our big talk and brash promises but by our deeds and accomplishments. Speech, according to Jewish tradition, is a uniquely human trait, a Divine gift specially entrusted to mankind. Genesis 2:7 states: "And the L-rd G-d formed man, dirt from the earth; He blew into his nostrils a living soul, and the man became a living being." Onkelos, a sage of the period of the Mishna, in his Aramaic translation of the Scripture, translates "a living being" as "a speaking being." Clearly, our ability to speak is one of the most basic aspects of our humanity, distinguishing us from the rest of the animal kingdom. As R. Abraham Twerski has observed, in the eyes of the Torah, man is hardly the "homo sapien" or intelligent baboon science has classified him. He is a living, thinking, feeling, and communicating being -- and the crown of G-d's creation My teacher R. Yochanan Zweig (www.talmudicu.edu & www.torah.org/learning/rabbizweig) posed a very simple question on this. In what way is speech truly unique to man? As we know, many animals communicate with each other, often in rather complex ways. Further, there is a well-known Midrash (Targum Sheni to Esther 1:3) which states that King Solomon, wisest of all men, understood the languages of the birds and animals (based on I Kings 5:13). He answered that there are two types of speech. The first level is speech which communicates our physical needs. Animals "talk" but their topics of conversation are entirely bodily -- staking out territory, attracting a mate, telling their fellow bees or ants where you just started your picnic. Human speech, though often at least as crude, contains an entirely different dimension: we express our souls. We express our emotions; we give reality to our thoughts, feelings and yearnings by putting them into words. And this is the type of speech which truly makes us human. Our souls, not nurtured and developed through language (whether spoken or written), possess only the vaguest and most incoherent yearnings for spirituality and human emotion. When, however, we tap into those yearnings and give them expression, we both discover and develop our souls, and we mature into beings formed in the image of G-d. Further, as with all of our Divine gifts, once we are entrusted with the gift of speech we become obligated to use it properly. When we do, we give expression and vitality to our souls. If we do not, however, we sink lower than the animals. We take a distinctly human trait and pervert it. And we sink to the level of the homo sapien -- and below. We use our superior IQ's to slander, insult and put others down -- harming them in ways animals could never imagine. A vicious and unbridled tongue, rather than serving as a vehicle for the development of the soul, can be used to destroy both the soul of its bearer and the souls of others. Maimonides, in his commentary to this mishna, has a lengthy but very worthwhile discussion about speech which we will summarize below. He divides speech into five categories. (1) Obligatory: speech which the Torah requires us to utter. The primary example of this is Torah study. (Maimonides does not mention prayer. I assume this is because prayer is not considered "speech" per se, but is more of an internal, meditative activity.) (2) Praiseworthy: speech which is not commanded by the Torah, but which fulfills a positive purpose. This would include complimenting others, praising good people and qualities, and denigrating bad qualities. Also words -- as well as song -- which inspire, which touch the soul of the listeners and goad them to become greater people would fall under this category. (3) Permissible: speech which relates to our businesses and our basic needs -- food, clothing etc. One is considered praiseworthy if he minimizes his speech in this category. (4) Undesirable: empty talk, that which the listener gains little from. This would include much of what we hear in the news (if it's not the juicy stuff which probably belongs to an even lower category). The commentators give such examples as discussing how a person became rich or died (or both), or how a wall was constructed. (It's almost amusing that scholars such as Maimonides had difficulty even conjuring up examples of such talk. One imagines that they could not easily conceive of wasteful talk that would hold anyone's interest in the first place. Guess they lived in the days before pro sports...) :-) (5) Forbidden: that which the Torah explicitly forbids -- cursing, false testimony, gossip (whether true or false), vulgar language, etc. Maimonides writes that needless to say, the first two categories should form the bulk of our speech. Even regarding this, however, he adds two qualifying conditions: (1) We practice what we preach. Learning but not doing, or praising good deeds which we ourselves do not fulfill may very well be worse than not speaking or learning in the first place. In this vein, our mishna stated: "Study is not the primary thing but action." (2) Our speech should be concise and to the point. We should always be wary that our words are proper and carefully chosen. Too much speech is counterproductive in almost every area. Even regarding Torah study the Talmud writes that one should teach his students in as concise a manner as possible (Pesachim 3b). And likewise, our mishna concludes: "Whoever talks excessively brings about sin." There is an important point to add here. It was actually made to me by my wife when I was preparing the original version of this class. (You'll just keep this between ourselves, but she actually usually *is* right.) ;-) We wrote above that light and trivial conversation serves little purpose and should be minimized. But then again, how do we make friends? Through schmuessing ("shmoozing" in Americanese) -- through small talk and enjoyable conversation. Is that really a waste of time? True, eventually the true friend is the one with whom you will share much deeper and more intense conversation. But how do we get there? Through a lot of light and "wasteful" speech that both R. Shimon and Maimonides would seem to frown upon. If so, how does one go about making friends? Is the only way jumping in and studying Torah together? The simplest answer is that perhaps such speech is useless on its own, but is what we'd call a "hechsher mitzvah" (a preparatory good deed). I.e., its value is in that it will (or might) lead to greater things. And this is sufficient to justify the many steps along the way till one arrives at true friendship. In truth, however, there is a much deeper idea here as well. Speech does not have to be about G-d and religion to be valuable. Even light speech may be worthy if it is an expression of caring and concern for others. Kibbitzing with another in order to befriend him or her, to show an interest in the other and to become a part of his life: all such speech is a form of using our Divine gift properly. The Talmud (Ta'anis 22a) records that Elijah the Prophet told a scholar that a certain two individuals, who were then passing by, were destined for a special portion in the World to Come. When the scholar inquired from the two what they did, they explained that (in addition to another merit) they were comedians, and if they would come across an unhappy person, they would humor him till he cheered up. In addition, communicating and relating to others on almost any level can be a sharing and growing experience. Our speech can always be a learning experience -- for through it we learn to understand other human beings. The Talmud states (paraphrased) that even the light speech of great scholars should be considered words of Torah (Eiruvin 54b). R. Zweig likewise once told me that it often occurs to him that he is having a "casual" conversation with another person, and all of a sudden it hits him: "Now I know what the Sages meant when they said X..." We can only truly study Torah when we have grown to be broad enough to understand many perspectives on life. Whenever we open up and are receptive to another human being, we understand life and the world around us just a little bit better. And this is true between nations as much as between individuals. Thus, our speech must not be wasted or overused. But it is a gift, which through proper use will become the jewel which disti nguishes us -- and crowns us -- as human beings.

Wednesday, May 2, 2012

FRom high priest ELI TO THE RETURN OF THE ARK

http://www.chabad.org/library/article_cdo/aid/463969/jewish/Samuel-the-Prophet.htm Our People: A History of the Jews Published and copyrighted by Kehot Publication Society « Previous Next » Samuel the Prophet The High Priest Eli For some time the Jews lived in peace and were not troubled by the Philistines in the west. Their religious life was centered about Shiloh, where the Mishkan (Sanctuary) stood. There, Eli, the High Priest, had assumed the leadership after Samson's death. In the unbroken chain of Oral Law (Massorah), beginning with Moses and continued through Joshua and Pinehas, Eli was the fourth to receive the teachings of the Oral Law from Pinehas, Aaron's grandson, A kind man by nature, Eli was beloved by all the people who looked to him for spiritual guidance. His two sons, Hophni and Pinehas, however, did not follow in their father's footsteps. Taking advantage of their privileged position, they degraded the priesthood in the eyes of the masses by bribery and corruption. Samuel's Father At this time there lived in Ramathaim-Zophim of Mount Ephraim a man by the name of Elkanah of the tribe of Levi, who helped greatly in focusing the attention of the Jews on their spiritual center. As prescribed in the Torah, he made a pilgrimage to Shiloh during each of the three annual festival seasons. Together with him, his family spent the holiday in a religious atmosphere at Shiloh. When the people saw Elkanah's caravan making its way to Shiloh, many of them joined him. A closer bond thus developed between Israel and their Religious Center, thanks to Elkanah's influence. Early Years of Samuel Of Elkanah's two wives, Hannah was childless. Silently she suffered many humiliations at the hands of the more fortunate Peninnah, who did have children. Once, while in Shiloh, Hannah vowed that if she had a son, she would consecrate his whole life to G-d. That year her prayer was heard. A son was born whom she named Samuel. Hannah's joy knew no bounds. The first few years Hannah kept him at home. Then true to her promise, she took him to Shiloh where she turned him over to Eli. From time to time she would come to visit her son. Under Eli's guidance, Samuel grew up in a wholly religious environment and soon showed himself an apt pupil. Samuel received his first Divine revelation when he was still very young. One evening, when he lay down to rest at the Tabernacle in Shiloh, he heard a voice calling his name. He sprang up and ran to the aged Eli, thinking he had called him. But Eli told him to go back, for he had not called him. This was repeated three times, and then Eli became aware that it was a Divine summons. He then told the lad that when he heard the voice again, he should reply, "Speak, O L-rd, for Thy servant hears.' The message Samuel received was a very sad one; 'Behold, I will do a thing in Israel, at which both ears of every one that hears it shall tingle. In that day I shall perform against Eli all the things which I have spoken concerning his house... I will punish his house for ever, for the offense that he knew that his sons made themselves accursed, and restrained them not... The iniquity of Eli's house shall not be purged with sacrifice nor offering for ever.' Reluctantly, Samuel related the Divine message to Eli, and the old man humbly replied, 'It is the L-rd, let Him do what seems good to him.' Samuel grew up full of faith and courage, strengthened by the spirit G-d bestowed upon him. The people recognized a future leader in him. Eli, too, had no doubt that his own two sons were not worthy to succeed him in carrying on the tradition. Eli was now old and could not exert any influence over them. He knew that his successor would be Samuel. War with the Philistines Again there were rumblings of war, and again it was with the Philistines. At Aphek, a battle was waged, and the Jews were driven back after losing four thousand men. Now the elders of Israel remembered that in the days of Joshua, the Ark of the L-rd had been triumphantly carried at the head of the army and had always ensured success. So they went to Shiloh and demanded that the Ark should be brought to them out of the Tabernacle. Hophni and Pinehas, the two priests, came themselves to the camp, accompanying the sacred shrine. Its presence wonderfully restored the drooping courage of the Israelites. As soon as they beheld it they raised a great cry, so that the earth rang and seemed to tremble. The Philistines heard the shouting and were sorely afraid. Yet they ventured out in battle, and fought with desperate courage. The Israelites were again routed; this time thirty thousand of their soldiers were slain and the rest fled in wild confusion to their tents. Hophni and Pinehas were among the dead, and the pride of Israel, the Ark of the Covenant, was in the hands of their heathen enemy. Eli's Death The people, assembled at Shiloh, were awaiting news of the battle. At last there came swiftly running from the camp to the city a Benjaminite, with his clothes rent and earth upon his head. Eli sat watching by the wayside as the messenger entered the gates of the town; he heard a loud wail arise. "What does the voice of this tumult mean?" the old man asked, full of evil forebodings. His failing sight did not let him perceive the messenger's rent clothes and his earth-covered head, which told their own tale. Then the Benjaminite approached him and said, "I come out from the battlefield, and I have fled today from the battlefield." Eli, anxiously interrupting him inquired, "What is there done, my son?" Then the messenger related fully his sad tidings: "Israel is fled before the Philistines, and there has been a great slaughter among the people, and thy two sons also, Hophni and Pinehas, are dead, and the Ark of G-d is taken." When Eli heard of the fate of the Holy Ark, he fell backwards from his seat, overcome with grief, and there died, ninety-eight years old, after having judged the Hebrews for forty years. The Holy Ark in Captivity Meanwhile the Philistines carried the Ark of the Covenant exultingly to Ashdod, and placed it in the temple of their god Dagon. On the following morning, they found the image of the idol fallen prostrate upon his face before the Ark. They lifted up the statue and replaced it; but on the next day Dagon had again fallen before the Ark: this time his head and hands were broken off and were lying upon the threshold. But greater trials were in store for the people of Ashdod. They were severely afflicted with boils and ulcers; and they knew that this was their punishment for trying to keep the Ark of the L-rd. Therefore they sent it from Ashdod to Gath; but it had scarcely arrived when the people of Gath were smitten with the same diseases. It was next taken to Ekron, another great city of the Philistines. The inhabitants of Ekron, warned by the troubles of Ashdod and Gath, were terrified when they saw the Ark. They anxiously desired to send it away at once. Return of the Holy Ark When the Philistines had been in possession of the Ark for seven months and had been visited with calamities and misfortunes, they determined to restore the Ark to the Israelites. The Ark was, therefore, carried out and placed upon a new cart drawn by two cows which had never borne the yoke before. The priests ordered their countrymen to let the kine go on by themselves. The animals proceeded, lowing as they went, taking the straight road to Beth-Shemesh, never turning either to the right or to the left. The chiefs of the Philistines followed after them. The wheat-harvest had commenced, and the reapers of Judah who were at work among the corn, saw the procession as it came winding from afar. As they beheld the Ark, they were full of rejoicing; it was as if the glory of their G-d were returning to them. The beasts stopped in the field of Joshua, a Bethshemite. The Levites lifted the Ark from the cart, and placed it on a great stone that was in the field. They speedily prepared a sacrifice, breaking up the cart for firewood and slaughtering the kine as a burnt-offering. When the Philistine chiefs had witnessed all this, they returned to Ekron. From Beth-Shemesh, the Ark was removed to Kiryath Ye'arim, where it stayed until the time of King David. Eli The High Priest 2772 - 10 Iyar 2870/2871 The 10th day of Iyar is the anniversary of the death of Eli the High Priest. We bring you here the story of his life. Eli was a descendant of Ithamar, the fourth and youngest son of Aaron the High Priest. He became High Priest (Kohen Godol) after the death of Pinehas, the son of Elazar, Ithamar's older brother. We are not told why Eli succeeded to the High Priesthood, instead of Pinehas's son. The last descendant of Ithamar's line to be High Priest was Evyathar, who was a grandson of Eli's grandson Achituv. Evyathar was High Priest during the reign of King David. However, he was banished by King Solomon (Shlomoh) for his siding with Adoniyah, Solomon's older half-brother who tried to capture the succession to the throne. The High Priesthood then reverted again to the line of Elazar ben Aaron, in the person of Tzadok the High Priest and his descendants. Eli was also the only one in those early days in the history of our people who wore two crowns, for he was both Judge (Shofet) and High Priest. He became judge at the age of 58 years, after the death of Samson (Shimshon) in the year 2830 (or 2831), holding this office for forty years, until his tragic death at the age of 98 years stayed until the time of King David.

Chana ,Mother of Samuel the Prophet

http://www.chabad.org/holidays/JewishNewYear/template_cdo/aid/4758/jewish/Chana.htm Chana Chana was one of the seven women to whom G-d gave the power of prophecy, for altogether we had seven women prophetesses, and forty-eight prophets, whose prophecies are mentioned in the tanach. The story, as we read it on Rosh Hashanah from the first chapter of the book of Samuel 1, begins with introducing to us Elkanah, Chana's husband. He was a Levite (belonging to the tribe of Levi) and lived in Ramataim Zofim of Mount Ephraim. Elkanah was a man of noble character and of great piety. He saw with sorrow that many of his Jewish brethren were slowly drifting away from G-d, and he took upon himself to create a lively interest in the spiritual center of Shiloh, where Ell the High Priest was the judge of Israel in those days. As prescribed in the Torah, Elkanah made a pilgrimage to Shiloh during each of the Three Festival seasons. Together with him his family spent the holiday in a religious atmosphere in the holy city of the Sanctuary. 'When the people saw Elkanah's caravan making its way to Shiloh in a happy and festive spirit, many of them joined him. A closer bond thus developed between the Jewish people and their spiritual center in Shiloh, thanks to Elkanah's influence. Chana was one of the two wives of Elkanah, and she was childless. Silently she suffered many humiliations at the hands of the more fortunate Peninah, who did have children. On one of the annual pilgrimages to Shiloh, Chana stood in the Sanctuary and poured out her heart before G-d. She prayed that G-d bless her with a son, and vowed that she would consecrate his whole life to G-d. Silently she prayed, swaying slightly. Eli saw her and thought she was drunk. He rebuked her for entering the Sanctuary in a state of drunkenness. But Chana answered with dignity, "No, my lord, I am a woman of a sorrowful spirit; I have drunk neither wine nor strong drink, but have poured out my soul before G-d." Eli realized the deep piety and grief, which had moved this woman, and he said to her, "Go in peace, and the G-d of Israel grant thee thy petition that you have asked of Him." Chana thanked him graciously and went away with happiness in her heart, feeling certain that her prayer was accepted. In due time a son was born to her, whom she named Samuel, meaning, as she said, "I have asked him (borrowed him) of G-d." Chana's joy knew no bounds. The first few years she kept him home. Then true to her promise, she took him to Shiloh with an offering of gratitude to G-d. Turning the boy over to Eli, the High Priest, Chana said, "My lord, I am the woman that stood by thee here praying unto G-d. For this child I prayed, and G-d hath given me my petition." She told Eli of her vow, and left her beloved son in Eli's care, to be brought up in a wholly religious atmosphere in the Sanctuary. You might think that Chana would be heart-broken to part with her son, for whom she had prayed for so many years. But Chana was full of joy as she prayed to G-d and said, "My heart rejoices in Go.” These were the first words of Chana's famous prophecy which reads like a wonderful hymn: "There is none holy as G-d, for there's none beside Thee; neither is there any rock like our G-d. "Talk no more so exceedingly proudly; let not arrogance come out of your mouth, for G-d is an all-knowing G-d; and unto Him all actions are known. G-d brings death and makes life, He brings down to the grave, and He brings up. G-d makes poor, and makes rich; He brings low, and He lifts up. He raises up the poor out of the dust, and lifts up the beggar from the dunghill, to set them among princes, to make them inherit the seat of glory…” As we read the inspiring words of the prophetess, we can see at once how fitting they are for the Day of judgment, Rosh Hashanah, when G-d decides on the fate of each person: who shall live, who shall be rich, who shall be honored --or otherwise. Our Sages tell us that the prophetess Chana has taught us several important things. One of them is the importance of reciting prayer in a whisper. As you know, we have the "quiet" shemone esrei, which is then repeated aloud by the chazan (if the service is held in the synagogue). The "quiet" shemone esrei, which we say in a whisper, our lips moving but our voice hardly audible, in the way Chana prayed, is the most important part of our prayer. When the heart is full and overwhelmed in the presence of the Almighty, then prayer is best expressed in a whisper. Chana also introduced the holy name of G-d, as the "G-d of Hosts," that is, the Master of the whole universe, the hosts of heaven and earth. It is most fitting on Rosh Hashanah, when we proclaim G-d’s kingdom over the whole world. According to the Tarumi (which reveals many secrets hidden in the Holy Scriptures), the first verse of Chana's prayer contains the prophecy that her son Samuel would be a prophet in Israel; that in his days the people of Israel would be delivered from the Philistines; that he would perform many miracles and wonders; and that his grandson Heyman with his fourteen sons would sing and say Psalms in the Beit Hamikdash, together with other fellow Levites. In the second verse, Chana predicts the defeat of Sennacherib at the gates of Jerusalem. Further on she prophesies about Nebuchadnezzar and other enemies of Israel who would pay for their wickedness; among them the Macedonians (Greeks) who would be defeated by the Hasmoneans; the wicked Haman and his sons and their defeat at the hands of Mordechai and Esther." Finally, Chana also prophesies about the great world war, when all the world will be engulfed in a desperate war of self-extermination, and then the Messiah will come and bring complete redemption to the people of Israel, and there will be a new world in which there will be no evil, no destruction, for all the world will be full of the wisdom of G-d.